The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North

The Sorry Saga of Bhutan's North
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Friday, November 30, 2007

Bhutan refugees speak through art







Charles Haviland BBC News, Kathmandu

The exhibition allows the young people to share their experiences
Young people from the Bhutanese refugee population in Nepal have staged an exhibition in Kathmandu to demonstrate their art and photography skills and highlight their difficulties.
Basudev Osti, Rinchin Tamang and Rebika Bhandari, all aged 17, have grown up in the seven camps that are home to more than 100,000 refugees in south-east Nepal.
They have no memories of Bhutan, as their families came here around 1990 after the Bhutanese government stripped them of their citizenship or forced them out because of their protests against new nationalistic regulations.

The refugees are almost entirely Nepali-speakers who lived in the south of the reclusive Buddhist kingdom.
Bhutan has not admitted a single one back.
Gopal Rai, 22, does remember a little of Bhutan. "There are images in front of me," he told the BBC.
"Rivers near our house. The homes of my relatives. Sceneries, our own fields and properties. It was nice and I don't want to forget it."
Sensitive issues
Their present or recent involvement in the Bhutanese Refugee Children Forum (BRCF), a group run by people under 18 for the benefit of all 37,000 refugee children, has given them strength amid the general desperation of refugee life.

The Forum has taught young people new artistic skills
The most striking exhibits are the young people's oil paintings, a skill they have learnt through the Forum.
A four-panelled picture by one young teenager starkly depicts various violent incidents in the refugees' lives.
There is a recent clash between refugees and the Nepal Army, and a conflict between camp-dwellers and local people which erupted when refugees tried to collect firewood.
There is also a standoff with the Indian army who prevented refugees from entering India in a bid to return to Bhutan - and a picture of some boarding a plane to emigrate to Canada, which has been crossed out, indicating that this refugee child will only be satisfied with a return to Bhutan.

That whole issue is highly sensitive.
A small number of the refugees wanting to return to Bhutan have been threatening or using violence on people considering moving to a new country.
Tensions are rising as the United States is poised to admit 60,000 who choose to go there.
The young people I met said they did not have a view on the possibility of settling in new countries and it was up to their guardians to decide.
'Close and crowded'
In another picture a dragon - the symbol of Bhutan - envelops a map of the country which is bleeding; refugees are depicted fleeing and a figure representing "Mother Bhutan" weeps.

The exhibitors have lived in the camps for most of their lives
Another large picture simply depicts the condition of the camps, which stand in teak forests - "close and crowded", as artist Amit Subba puts it.
Rice from the World Food Programme is unloaded; food is cooked via solar panels which do not function on dull days; kerosene rationed at just one litre per family per month is distributed.
There are also some striking photographs, and handicrafts for which the refugees are seeking sales outlets.
"Legally we can't sell them in the local market - but we do sell things, bending the law," says BRCF programme coordinator Indra Timsina.
And there is a film, shot by the young people, which doesn't shy away from politics.
It reconstructs incidents the young people have heard about from their parents including Bhutanese army victimisation of Nepali-speaking families.
Harsh conditions

I'm sure my future will be bright - if I go back to Bhutan. If I stay here I don't think it will be bright
Gopal Rai, second left
The young people told the BBC about their lives.
Basudev Osti described camp life as "very miserable. I cannot meet my aim - rules and regulations obstruct us."
Three members of his family do unofficial teaching work, each earning 900 rupees ($13) per month.
His mother is very sick, and he gives tuition to children to help subsidise his studies in a school outside the camp.
Rebika Bhandari says her father was jailed in Bhutan for giving support to the southern Bhutanese campaign against the authorities.
She says camp life is "too difficult" but that her life has been transformed by the Children Forum, which has trained her in photography, acting and music.
Now she does voluntary work in schools.
Since getting to Nepal, Gopal Rai's family life has been difficult. Three of his siblings have died, his widowed mother has married twice more and his uncles have been his guardians.
But he echoes praise for the Forum, which has taught him skills in acting and sports. Others have had journalism training.

"I'm sure my future will be bright - if I go back to Bhutan," he says. "If I stay here I don't think it will be bright."
The overriding message from the young refugees was that they wanted the international community to support and listen to them.
In the words of one message posted on the wall: "Will the time come for refugees to call a place 'my home' instead of 'my hut'? If so, when?"

Friday, November 16, 2007

An appeal : Anand Swaroop Verma




It is matter of shame for all of us that while the neighboring country Bhutan is continuing with the autocratic monarchy and its repressive activities with the help of world’s largest democracy India, the intelligentsia in our country has maintained silence over the issue whereas the Indian media, time and again, keeps on praising the monarchy in Bhutan. We are repeatedly told by the media that the tiny populace in Bhutan is prospering, the country is unaffected by the environmental degradation and cultural pollution and so on. During the last couple of years, Indian media is full of news praising the King for his liberal attitude by arguing that he himself wants to end the monarchy to usher in the democratic system of governance. The media keeps on telling us that the King of Bhutan wants to join the modern world because he feels that continuing with monarchy in the present scenario is suggestive of a regressive thought.
The same media never told us sternly that this ‘peaceful and environment friendly’ King, in 1990 with the help of his army, had expelled 1.5 lakh citizens of his country, run bulldozer over their hamlets, destroyed their orange and cardamom plantations and unleashed a reign of terror and oppression on elders, women and children just because they were asking for the establishment of minimum democracy and respect for their human rights. Media never bothered to tell us that in the drama that is being enacted in the name of the countrywide elections scheduled for February 2008, neither political parties banned for last 20 years and termed illegal (Bhutan People’s Party, Bhutan National Democratic Party, Druk National Congress) nor the people living in seven refugee camps run by UNHCR inside Nepal’s border for last 17 years have been permitted to participate. The total population of Bhutan is around seven lakhs and expelling 1.5 lakh people out of this tiny population has been an incident never witnessed in the history of any country. The most surprising thing is that India is the only country in the subcontinent extending support to the King of Bhutan. He was even invited by the Indian government as chief guest in Republic Day parade two years back.
India has contributed significantly towards the plight of Bhutanese refugees. These refugees had brought out some pamphlets and organized peaceful demonstration demanding a minimum democracy in 1990. The centre of this movement was southern part of Bhutan which is close to the Indian border, particularly the West Bengal border. Although the King of Bhutan had imposed ban on the entry of television in his country, but how could this neighboring region of West Bengal could remain uninfluenced by the movement related activities which are the very soul of life in West Bengal. People from South Bhutan came to India for educational purposes and they had to pass through West Bengal. Apart from that, due to lack of connecting roads in mountainous Bhutan, people had to take the road which passes through West Bengal in order to reach the other parts of Bhutan. Since southern part of Bhutan was primarily inhabited by Lhotsompas, a Nepali speaking Bhutanese community which constituted 90 percent of the Southern Bhutanese population, the King charged them with creating disturbance. When the people of Sarchop community from east and north Bhutan were also expelled, it became clear in the long run that this movement was not confined to the Nepali speaking community alone.
Teknath Rizal, advisor to the Royal Council set up by the King wrote a letter to the King requesting that he must humbly pay heed to the people’s complaints. But instead, the King put Teknath Rizal behind the bars. He was forced to suffer unbearable pains for 10 long years. He was released in 1999 when the King’s officials realized that he could die in prison due to illness. He is now living an exiled life in Nepal and leading the anti-monarchy struggle. Rizal hails from Lhotsompa community.
On the same lines, the popular leader of Sarchop community Rongthong Kunley Dorji was arrested by the monarchy and charged with supporting the demand of minimum democracy. The King seized his property, put him in the jail where he was subjected to severe atrocities and was finally kicked out of the country along with his family. He was arrested by the Indian police on his arrival to India in 1996 and was put in Tihar prison for two years. He is currently on bail and the Indian government has imposed various restrictions on him. He is also leading the anti-monarchy struggles. He is the president of Druk National Congress. India has always given refuge to the pro-democracy activists of various countries including Bangladesh, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Burma, Tibet and Nepal. Keeping this in mind, India’s discriminatory attitude towards pro-democracy forces in Bhutan is surprising.
India’s role in this regard is both shameful and significant because when the helpless Bhutanese citizens arrived inside the Indian border after being expelled from their own country, Indian security forces forcefully loaded them in trucks as if they were livestocks and dumped inside Nepal border. Those who resisted were beaten up severely. With no choice left they stayed in Nepal. Later on India laid its hands off from the issue. Whenever Government of India was requested to hold talks over the Bhutanese refugees issue, it raised its hands by saying that this was a bilateral issue between Nepal and Bhutan. Bhutan shares border with India, not Nepal. Any one who leaves Bhutan will obviously enter India first. It is a known fact that India has itself created this problem for Nepal. Nepal being a small and weaker state cannot force India, which has repeatedly ignored its request to resolve the refugee crisis.
In the last 17 years, whenever the Bhutanese refugees tried to return home risking their lives, they were stopped at Indo-Nepal border at Mechi bridge by the Indian security forces. When they tried to proceed further, they were beaten up. The most recent incident in this series is that of May 28, 2007 when one refugee was killed in police firing and hundreds of them were injured.
I had organized a conference on the Bhutanese refugee issue in 1991 along with friends from Nepal and India. At that time, a booklet entitled ‘Human Rights in Bhutan’ was also published. Many distinguished people including Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, Justice Ajit Singh Bains and Swami Agnivesh participated. In order to create a mass consensus on the issue, an organization named ‘Bhutan Solidarity’ was formed towards the end of the conference and Justice Krishna Iyer was made its patron. I was asked to take the responsibility of convener. A study team from this organization in 1995 prepared a detailed report after a tour to the refugee camps. I tried my level best to contribute in resolving the issue till May 2006 in this capacity. From June 2006 onwards, MLA from MP and young farmer leader Dr. Sunilam is holding the position of convener.
As per UNHCR, the total number of refugees in the camps of Nepal is One lakh six thousand. The survey carried out by Bhutan Solidarity in 1996 revealed that more than 40,000 refugees are living in India (West Bengal, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh) and they have not been given the status of refugee by UNHCR. As per 1950 Friendship Treaty between India and Bhutan, government of India refused to give these people refugee status. They too are living in worst conditions.
A team from ‘Bhutan Solidarity’ visited the refugee camps again in August 2006 and found that 40 percent of the refugees were in the age group of 17-40. They are losing patience after the failure of many peaceful attempts to go back home and feeling that this problem can not be resolved through peaceful means. They have also been inspired by the Maoist people’s war in Nepal and this thought is getting concretized in their minds that justice will only prevail through the barrel of the gun. In spite of being aware of everything, Bhutan government and government of India have maintained an indifferent attitude. It seems as if both the governments are waiting for the refugees to take the violent path which will give them an excuse to unleash repression.
I feel that the Bhutanese refugee crisis can be resolved in a peaceful way provided the intellectuals of India raise their voice and stand behind them in solidarity with their struggle. The area which relates with these refugees is politically very sensitive. Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Jhapa, close to West Bengal, have been experiencing violent movements since long but the arms here are not in the hands of revolutionary forces, but in the hands of separatists, anarchists and state sponsored armed groups. In this scenario, if the Bhutanese refugees take to armed struggle, their voice will be lost and it will pave the way for their repression. In nutshell armed struggle waged by the Bhutanese refugees to solve their problem will prove to be suicidal at this stage.
Monarchy in Bhutan is at the weakest stage. As I said earlier, it is supported only by India. It has somehow sustained itself by giving offerings to the high officials of Ministry of External Affairs and a crop of selected journalists. This is the reason why every Foreign Minister- be it I.K. Gujral, Yashwant Sinha, Jaswant Singh or Pranab Mukherjee- has ‘off the record’ given same argument that the Indian support to Bhutan is only due to India’s ‘geo-political compulsions’.
In the last couple of years, US policy has been a fiasco in Nepal. Despite US disliking, the political parties of Nepal and Maoists reached a 12 point understanding in Nov 2005, signed a Comprehensive Peace Agreement, Maoists entered the parliament and they even joined the interim government. Inspite of all this, Maoists are still listed as ‘terrorist’ in the US records. Having seen utter failure of its policy in Nepal, US has now shifted its focus on Bhutan since it wants to consolidate its position in South Asia by hook or crook. US had announced last year that it will undertake to settle 60,000 Bhutanese refugees on its own and assist to settle 10,000 each in Australia and Canada. This announcement revealed many things. Firstly, it tried to create a divide among the refugees. Secondly, it tried to prevent the ideology of violence taking an organized form among them and lastly, assured the King of Bhutan that it will help him get rid of the mounting problem of refugees. This is what US aims at. While this proposal seems to be providing some relief to the King at the same time the debate on this proposal has for the first time in 17 years generated violent conflicts among the refugees. It is interesting to know that hardly 10 percent refugees are in favor of US proposal. One more incident is noteworthy. King of Bhutan Jigme Singhe Wangchuk had announced to abdicate the throne voluntarily in 2008 in favor of his son Prince Khesar Singhe Wangchuk. But suddenly US came in picture and through its efforts got the process completed much earlier, that is in May 2007 itself. Prince Khesar is now the King of Bhutan and US has full faith in him.
The objective of writing this letter is to inform you about the plight of Bhutanese refugees and government of India’s position in this regard as well as to appeal you to give a serious thought on the possible ways to resolve the problem. This problem can surely be resolved peacefully and a terrible bloodshed can be avoided in this region if the intellectuals, human rights activists and active pro-democracy people of Indian political parties think seriously over this issue. If our endeavour fails to bring change the government of India’s attitude of indifference, then the movement of Bhutanese refugees taking a violent turn can not be termed as illegitimate. But I have strong feeling that even a small effort on our part can bring a peaceful solution to the problem.
Your suggestions on this issue are invited so that we can sit together in the near future and find out a way in the coming days.

Yours,
Anand Swaroop VermaQ-63, Sector-12, Noida – 201301Phone: 0120-4356504, 9810720714email: vermada@hotmail.com

Bhutan refugees are 'intimidated'


By Subir Bhaumik BBC News, Calcutta

Ms Ellen has just visited Nepal and BhutanBhutanese refugees living in Nepal are facing "severe intimidation" ever since plans to resettle them in the West were announced, a senior US official says.
US Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees and Migration, Ellen Sauerbrey, says the refugee leaders in the camps are to blame.
Nepal is home to about 107,000 ethnic Nepalese expelled from Bhutan, which says they are illegal immigrants.
The US has said it will take 60,000 refugees, but says it can take more.
"There is no question that severe intimidation began in the camps when the US made the offer of resettlement," Ms Sauerbrey told the BBC.
'Intimidation'
She was stopping over in the city of Calcutta on way to Delhi after a tour of Nepal and Bhutan.
Ms Sauerbrey blamed the refugee leaders in the camps in Nepal for the "intimidation".
"For those who have spent 17 years trying to develop a programme to return to Bhutan, the idea that a large number of the refugees will come to the US reduces their political power," she said.
"The refugees have also been fed on false rumours consistently."
Leaders of these Bhutanese refugees have been trying to organise them for a long march back home through India.
But Delhi - which has very friendly relations with Thimphu - has deployed border guards and police to foil these marches.

The refugees have been living in Nepal since the 1990s
Ms Sauerbrey says the government of Nepal must provide "adequate security" in the refugee camps, so that the UNHCR can provide resettlement information to the refugees and enlist those who voluntarily come forward to accept the offer.
"If there's enough security in the camps, I am confident most of these refugees would take up the offer of resettlement in the US," Ms Sauerbrey said.
She said the US was interested in resettling 60,000 of the refugees over five years, but there was no limit and no quota to the US offer.
"If more than 60,000 people are interested in being resettled and are referred to our programme by UNHCR, we will take those who qualify.
"Most will qualify unless someone has a record of violence in the camp," she said.
Resettlement
"We do not take these people because they are highly skilled or educated, we will take them for humanitarian considerations."
Ms Sauerbrey, who visited Kathmandu and the refugee camps in eastern Nepal before travelling to Bhutan, said the process was formally launched after Nepalese officials went to the camps with her delegation and announced publicly the Nepalese government's support of the resettlement programmes.
She said 3,000 refugees have already applied informally for resettlement in the US.
"Our goal this year is to interview about 15,000 and, in the next few years, we are expecting 20,000 to 25,000 per year, based on the interest generated amongst the refugees ," she added.

Bhutan says the refugees in Nepal are illegal immigrants
Ms Sauerbrey said the US government was keen to resolve the protracted refugee situation on humanitarian grounds.
"If you have been to refugee camps, they are not nice places and these people have been in the camps for 17 years. That is a long, long time," she said.
Ms Sauerbrey said the resettlement could resolve a major part of the problem but there were people in the camps who were genuinely Bhutanese citizens and would very much like to come home.
"The US and many other international communities do believe that Bhutan has a moral obligation with people who are genuinely Bhutanese citizens, to let them come home," she said.
Tens of thousand of Bhutanese of Nepali origin started fleeing the kingdom in the 1990s, complaining of persecution by the royal administration.
They found refuge in the camps in eastern Nepal, run by the UNHCR.
Several rounds of talks between Nepal and Bhutan have failed to resolve the issue.
But as Bhutan heads for its first national elections next year, the refugee leaders are pressing for the return of their people to the kingdom so that they can vote and regain their citizenship .

Lost in no-man's-land

BILLY BRIGGS
For two decades they have been ignored by the world: 100,000 people ethnically cleansed from the tiny Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan. Now, as diplomacy founders and militants fan the flames of insurgency, it's the refugees who are once again caught in the crossfire.
ON A sandbank in the middle of the river, Bubbha Lapha shelters from the baking sun under a battered tartan umbrella. The 70-year-old squats down, lifts a small rock hammer and brings it down to smash a pebble into fragments. She gathers the pieces of broken stone and throws them on to a pile the size of a small cairn. It's close to midday and Bubbha and her friends, Shati and Kanti, have already been working for six hours. "Clack... clack... clack..." Like convicts in a chain gang, the trio raise their hammers then smash them down to break stones, over and over again.
"Clack... clack... clack..." The chipping noise of metal on stone drifts away from the women, almost drowned out by the rush of the River Ratwa that runs past them. Bubbha says something in Nepalese to Kanti, 40, and Shati, 65, who giggle like a couple of schoolgirls.
For a lifetime these three women have laughed, cried and survived in each other's company. It's been a precarious existence, not least as forgotten victims of one of the world's most intractable refugee situations. They are among 106,000 Bhutanese refugees who have languished in the forests of eastern Nepal for the past 17 years after being 'ethnically cleansed' from the remote kingdom of Bhutan. Ignored by the world and completely reliant on international aid for food and shelter, the refugees have waited and waited, and slowly lost hope. Until now, that is - thanks to a compassionate offer from the United States to resettle 60,000 of them, as well as provisional interest from Australia, Canada and Norway to accept smaller numbers of refugees.
But while help has finally been offered by the international community, the injection of fresh hope has caused uproar in the camps and sparked discord among the Bhutanese. While many long to be resettled and begin a new life, others insist that repatriation to Bhutan should be the only option considered. They fear that anything less will endanger the status of 80,000 of their people still in southern Bhutan and legitimise the regime's policy of ethnic cleansing.
Many of the young people, frustrated and angry at the world's ignorance of their plight, have turned to the Communist Party of Bhutan, which is urging refugees to fight for their right to return and to ultimately overthrow the Bhutanese monarchy.
Violence erupted in May when thousands of refugees tried to cross into the Indian state of West Bengal and march back to Bhutan. One man was killed and more than 20 were injured when Indian police opened fire as they tried to cross the border. There was also chaos inside the camps as supporters of the third-country settlement plan were attacked. Two people died when armed Nepalese police were called to restore order.
With the process of resettlement to the US about to begin in earnest, coupled with fears of a Maoist insurgency in the camps and the beginnings of a wider armed struggle, the crisis has reached boiling point.
"Clack... clack... clack..." Bubbha, Shati and Kanti look weary. For 17 years they have survived against the odds, but now life may become even tougher. Bubbha raises her arm and wipes the sweat from her brow. "This is no way to live," the old woman says.
THE TINY KINGDOM of Bhutan, sandwiched between India, China and Chinese-controlled Tibet, is one of the most isolated and least developed nations in the world. Known locally as Druk Yul, or Land of the Thunder Dragon, it is landlocked in the Himalayan mountains, a diverse landscape of subtropical plains in the south, stretching up to 7,000m-high peaks in the north. Mahayan Buddhism is the state religion and foreign influences and tourism are strictly rationed to preserve the country's traditional culture and identity. The government answers to 27-year-old King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, the world's youngest head of state and the fifth Dragon King of Bhutan, who wields absolute power.
The population of Bhutan is 750,000, including the 135,000 refugees in Nepal and India, and consists of three main ethnic, religious and linguistic groups, the Ngalongs, the Sarchops and the Nepalese-speaking Lhotshampas in the south.
After war with British-India in 1864, Bhutan lost about a third of its fertile territory in the south, so for economic reasons migration was encouraged from Nepal to the country's southern foothills. A steady increase in settlements of the Nepalese resulted in a separate administration for the south, leaving the population cut off from the mainstream of Bhutanese society.
But during the 1980s, the Dzongkha-speaking Ngalongs who rule Bhutan began to fear the growing influence of the Nepali-speaking Hindus in the south. The government tightened citizenship laws and combined new legislation with arrests, torture and threats to force more than 100,000 ethnic Nepali Bhutanese citizens from their land. It was a dark period and the country was strongly criticised at the time for human-rights abuses by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.
Two decades on and 17 rounds of negotiations between the governments of Bhutan (which refuses to take the refugees back) and Nepal (which refuses to integrate them) have come to nothing. India, the largest power in the region, has close ties with Bhutan and won't support repatriation, while other political players such as the US have declined to interfere. Hence, the despair of prolonged statelessness has continued.
"Shanti, Kanti and I escaped to Nepal together from our village of Dahding in 1992, after some of the women were raped by soldiers. We left in the middle of the night and walked for three days. We ended up in the camps, and we've been here ever since," Bubbha says.
A RECENT REPORT BY Human Rights Watch documented the deteriorating conditions inside the seven camps that are home to the 106,000 refugees. Frustration is beginning to manifest itself in ugly forms, with domestic violence on the rise, women turning to prostitution to feed their children, and increased political agitation with the potential to create an armed uprising. HRW's report also gave a rare glimpse into the continuing abuses of human rights in Bhutan itself, where Nepalese-speaking citizens cannot get a government job, buy or sell land, or open a business without a police-issued card attesting that the bearer is not 'anti-national'.
For the thousands of young refugees who were born in the camps, their 'homeland', Bhutan, is just a pipe dream, and a place they know only through stories passed down by their elders. The camps are close to the dusty frontier town of Damak in eastern Nepal, about 500 miles from the capital Kathmandu. It's a subtropical land of paddy fields and bamboo, dotted with coconut trees, buffalo cooling off in pools of water and colourful Hindu temples.
The camps are clean and well organised, with schools for the children and narrow rows of bamboo huts for the refugees to live in. But the people are not permitted to work anywhere in Nepal, so there is a real sense of despair among the older refugee population who have spent the best part of 20 years sitting doing nothing. Bubbha, Shanti and Kanti are working illegally breaking stones for the construction industry and, if caught, face losing their weekly ration of rice and lentils. There is a black market for goods but most people here have little to do.
In Beldang 1 camp, 55-year-old Kalibahadur Darjee invites us into his hut. He has bloodshot eyes and looks drawn and ill. "I lived in Nauli village in the Samdung Khar district of Bhutan but left in 1993," he says. "The army came and attacked the men and raped the women, so we had no choice but to go."
Darjee used to be a tailor and on a table sits a sewing machine he uses to mend clothes. Most people have nothing more than one shirt and pair of trousers, as only food is provided by the UN refugee agency UNHCR and the Lutheran World Federation who run the camps. Rations, paid for by international donors, are distributed every 12 days. Each person receives 5.6kg of rice, 0.56kg of lentils and 0.28kg of chickpeas, with a choice of pumpkin, cabbage or banana once a week.
A few huts up from Darjee is Bhagirath Sapkdta, who came from the same village as his neighbour. The thin 70-year-old lives here with his wife, Tulasa, and five members of their family. The food rations, they say, are not enough.
Do they want to return to Bhutan or move to a new life in America? They give the same reply as Darjee: they want to return to their homeland. In fact, for the next few hours as we tour the camps, every refugee we meet dismisses the notion of a move to the States. Every single person says they want to return to Bhutan.
At a secondary school in Beldang 2 camp, I put the same question to a class of 30 teenagers, most of whom were born in the camps, none of whom could have any first-hand knowledge of Bhutan. "Who would like to move to America?" Silence. Not one hand goes up and eyes dart nervously from side to side. When I ask who would like repatriation, arms shoot up en masse and heads turn quickly to look around.
Outside, I ask camp secretary Dev Raj Pradhana why no one wants to move to the US. "Many people do," he replies. "They're just too scared to say so."
"If you speak of resettlement, your head will be in a bag and your body will be at the side of the river," was the message delivered to Manoyath Khanal. He sits, hunched and swollen-faced, in a dimly lit room with his wife, parents and two children. He left hospital the day before and complains of headaches and severe pain in his ribs.
The family are in hiding in a safe house in Damak, after fleeing Beldang 3 refugee camp two weeks ago. As camp secretary of Beldang 3, a position Khanal was elected to by his fellow refugees, he publicly backed the option of resettlement to a third country. It was a decision that nearly cost him his life. On August 12, a mob beat him unconscious, then destroyed the family hut.
"We are desperate for a solution and 80% of the refugees favour resettlement," he says. "We are not against repatriation but we think that all options should be considered. People should have the right to choose and not be bullied. But the radicals, the Maoists, attack anyone who supports moving to the US."
Khanal blames the violence on radicals from the Communist Party of Bhutan and the Bhutan Tigers. He says these extremist groups have been active in the camps since 2003, supported ideologically by Nepal's own Maoists - the surrounding district is said to be a hotbed of communist activity.
The next morning we see him again, this time at a meeting of the Durable Solution Support Group at a secret location in Damak. This group advocates resettlement but the 16 members have been forced from the camps because of their views. They live on charity and have no access to rations. It is a desperate situation. "Our children have no food. We are refugees twice over now," Khanal says.
He hands me a list with the names of six men. Five are in police custody charged with his attack. He points to the name at the top, Subash Acharya, a man he claims to be linked with the Maoists and responsible for the violence.
The sixth name is Tek Nath Rizal, a legendary figure in Bhutan. Rizal is the exiled Bhutanese leader now based in Kathmandu. He was an advisor to the King of Bhutan before falling out of favour and being imprisoned at the start of the troubles. Rizal gained almost mythic status while in prison and became the de facto spokesman for the Bhutanese movement when he was released a decade later in 1999. "Acharya organises the violence in the camps, but Rizal is behind everything," Khanal claims.
AFTERWARDS we drive to Damak police station and ask to speak to Acharya. The prisoner is brought up from the cells. I put Khanal's allegations to him but Acharya, a former refugee camp secretary himself, denies having anything to do with recent violence, or being linked to any insurgents. "I was out of the camp the day Khanal was attacked and afterwards I made a call for peace," he says.
On the issue of resettlement, Acharya says he favours repatriation and that "all the refugees" wish to return to Bhutan. "The people in favour of moving to a third country should go. But what will their lives be like? We ask that the international community pressurise the Bhutanese government in allowing us to return. Only then should other options be considered," he says.
Finally, I ask about his relationship with Rizal. "I know him very well. I was his personal assistant for a year," he says.
WE MET Tek Nath Rizal in Kathmandu. A slim, thoughtful man, born in southern Bhutan, he was an advisor to the king until the regime began its systematic persecution of his people in 1989. He fled to Nepal and petitioned the King, asking him to stop discriminating against his people. But after nine months, Rizal was abducted and taken back to Bhutan, where he was sentenced to life imprisonment for treason. He was released in 1999 after pressure from the international community.
"I was tortured in prison," he says. "My mother had boiling water thrown on her face and was told to leave her village. My brother-in-law was killed. In jail, I knew of a monk who was murdered and at least four other prisoners who were tortured to death."
Rizal says he represents not only the refugees, but also the movement for democracy in Bhutan. Until recently, he advocated repatriation as the only solution, despite there being next to no chance of this happening anytime soon. But his stance seems to have softened and he stresses he is not opposed to resettlement. "People should be allowed back to their own soil then given the option of resettlement," he says. "If we opt for resettlement first, what will happen to the thousands of our people still in Bhutan? Many refugees have family there and friends and relatives in jail."
Is he behind the violence? He strongly denies this, adding that claims of a Maoist insurgency are a smear by the Bhutanese government who want to label his people terrorists. "We have always followed peaceful means. We would not support violence... but other groups might take up arms," he says.
Does he completely and utterly renounce violence as an option? "We cannot rule out violence," Rizal replies.
NO ONE knows how many refugees want to move to the US or how many want to return to Bhutan. All that is clear is that people have died recently and that violence is likely to erupt again when the resettlement process begins. Abraham Abraham, the UN's High Commissioner in Kathmandu, says there are serious concerns about militants operating in the camps who are determined to start an armed struggle. "Idleness has led to extremism," he says.
The UN is in the process of building permanent police posts in the camps for the first time. The plan is to have new barracks in the seven camps by the end of this month, each with 30 armed officers. "Only when this is all in place will the UN begin the resettlement process," Abraham says.
"SOME people want to go to Bhutan, some want to go to the US, but everyone is fed up. I'd like to go to America," Bubbha says quietly, when we are alone.
"Clack... clack... clack." The women raise their arms to smash stones. They are not interested in politics. All they want is a normal life.
"Clack... clack... clack." It's like a clock endlessly ticking away the days of a life sentence for the Bhutanese.
How can scotland help?
SCOTLAND has a strong record of welcoming refugees from conflicts around the world, but the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) wants more local authorities to take part in its Gateway Programme. It cares for more than 33 million people worldwide, and every year resettles refugees to 20 countries, including Australia, Canada, the USA and the UK.
The UK's Gateway programme, under which 500 vulnerable refugees and their families identified by UNHCR are aimed to be resettled each year, was founded in 2004. Sheffield and Bolton were the first to accept refugees, followed by Brighton, Rochdale, Hull, Norwich and Bury. Earlier this year, North Lanarkshire became the first Scottish local authority to participate, when 20 families who'd fled the Democratic Republic of Congo were resettled in Motherwell.
"Even once they cross a border, some refugees are still not safe," says Peter Kessler, UNHCR's senior external affairs officer. "For those who can neither return home or integrate locally, 'resettlement' to a third country can help them restart their lives in safety. To date, nearly 900 people have found safety in the UK under the Gateway Protection Programme thanks to the generosity of local communities. Scottish local authorities and the public are asked to approach the Home Office to seek more information about joining the Gateway programme."

If you would like to help people fleeing persecution and war, visit www.unhcr.org.uk/donate. For more information about the UN Refugee Agency's humanitarian mission, contact gbrloea@unhcr.org
This article: http://living.scotsman.com/people.cfm?id=1744822007
Last updated: 04-Nov-07 00:14 GMT

Kids crush stone for learning materials


[ 2007-11-2 ]
By Our CorrespondentJHAPA, Nov. 1: Devika Magar, 11, and Rabilal Dahal, 10, of Bhutanese refugee camp in Beldagi reach at nearby Ratuwa river bank in the morning and start crushing stones. The minors are the students of standard four and two respectively at local Green Valley English School at sector two of the camp. �We have been working here to earn some money for stationary materials. We work for about six hours before and after school," they said. They added that they have been earning from Rs. 30 to 60 everyday, and their income depends on the quantity of pebbles they crush at the riverbank. �There are many other students like us," said the innocent kids. The pebble is measured in a tin and they get Rs. 30 for a tin. Besides, there are other kids who dig out sands and make heaps for the contractors. Most of the children working at the river bank are minors under 14 but they are compelled to do manual labor as the allowances being provided to the refugees is not enough to fulfil their demands. �Not only the children like us but our parents also work in the fields outside the camps," they said. Caritas Nepal with the support of UNHCR has been supporting the school going children in the refugee camps and the organisations have been providing financial support for school fees and books. �But the support does not cover the expenses for dress and other stationary materialsShowing the boils on their palms, they said that how long they have to stay in the refugee camps.

Plans for democracy exclude Hindus

Tuesday, September 25,2007
THIMPHU: It's democracy for some as Bhutan refuses to allow more than 100,000 Bhutanese Hindu refugees to return home. While the tiny Himalayan kingdom of Bhutan has been winning strokes across the world for its abdicating king's voluntary decision to bequeath democracy to his subjects, the dark side is the 100,000 Bhutanese refugees, in neighboring Nepal who were kicked out of Bhutan in 1991. The refugees are Nepali-speaking Bhutanese who were driven out after they protested the passage of a law in the 1980s that arbitrarily cancelled their citizenship. As many as a sixth of the Bhutanese population, most of them living in the south of the country, fled Bhutan in 1990. They have been living in refugee camps in Nepal since that time, seeking to get back home.Bhutan, also known as Druk Yul or the Dragon Kingdom, is surrounded by Nepal, India and Tibet. The country is the midst of a unique transition from absolute monarchy to multiparty democracy, bequeathed by the Dragon King, Jigme Singye Wangchuk, and not because of any popular uprising. Previously, his main accomplishment visible to the outside world was his Gross National Happiness standard-of-living index but in December last year, having set democracy in motion, he abdicated the throne in favor of his eldest son, the Oxford- educated Crown, he Prince Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk.The benefits of happiness, however, do not seem to be available to Hindu Bhutanese."Some 108,000 Bhutanese refugees have been registered by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees," says Suhas Chakma, the director of the Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR), a New Delhi based rights body. Following a visit to the refugee camps in Nepal last month, Chakma reiterated his demand that Bhutan be held accountable for settlement of the exiles.Bhutan is finding this an annoying distraction from Jigme's plans for democracy, which is getting a series of dry runs prior to the election of a prime minister and council of ministers next year, diminishing the monarchy to a ceremonial role. A second round of mock polls was completed Monday, with schoolchildren under the supervision of the Election Commission of Bhutan participating as dummy candidates. Four mock parties the Druk Red Party, Druk Blue Party, Druk Green Party and Druk Yellow Party, each with different symbols and colors participated. Electronic Voting Machines were in place, with assistance and support from India.Meanwhile, two political parties, the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the Bhutan People United Party (BPUP) have registered with the government. A third political party is in the offing, an alliance of retired civil servants, defense officials and businesspersons called the Bhutan National Party (BNP)."We definitely need at least three credible political parties, a local journalist told Asia Sentinel."Otherwise it may turn into a situation where the voters would have to select one from two worst candidates," he said. "We expect for a smooth transition, though I cannot deny that many Bhutanese people are still apprehensive about democracy."The mock polls are for everybody but the exiled Bhutanese, who repeatedly demanded to be included in the first round but were refused. Nepal-based separatists in the camps as well as the Bhutan Communist Party, a group formed by refugees, threatened to carry out bomb attacks in Bhutan during Monday's mock voting but the situation remained calm.The Nepal government raised the issue with Bhutanese authorities in 15 rounds of talks, though it failed to convince Thimphu to allow the refugees to go home. Not a single refugee has returned to Bhutan. India, though recognized as Bhutan's friendliest neighbor and biggest aid donor, has kept out of the dispute, arguing that 'it was a bilateral matter between Nepal and Bhutan.It is difficult to see any immediate solution. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Antonio Guterres visited some of the Nepal-based refugees recently, the first visit by a high-ranking UNHCR official to the camps since they were established 16 years ago. Speaking in Kathmandu, Guterres reiterated UNHCR's continuing effort to resolve the issue"We will go on knocking at the door of Bhutan for the amicable repatriation of thousands of Bhutanese refugees living in Nepal," he asserted. "Amazingly, the refugees have a great will to go back."It appears that many of the Bhutanese will give up and migrate overseas. On May 26, US Ambassador to Nepal James F. Moriarty and announced that the US would offer permanent resident status to at least 60,000 of them, adding that the US would provide an additional US$2 million in food aid to the camps. Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand and Norway have also volunteered to take a share of refugees for resettlement. However, the Asian Center for Human Rights has asked all the countries not to undertake any hasty resettlements.Speaking to Asia Sentinel from New Delhi, Suhas Chakma, the Asian Human Rights Center director, stressed, "The international community must be mindful of the implications of any resettlement process without any written commitment from Bhutan. It would be tantamount to supporting ethnic cleansing policies by the Royal Government of Bhutan."He warned that if Bhutan can get away with 108,000 refugees, the situation of the remaining ethnic Nepalis in Bhutan could be untenable as they might also be forced to renounce their citizenship or leave Bhutan.""Bhutan, which has perfected the art of repression, need not expel the ethnic Nepalis en masse but it can somehow force them to leave," he said.
NEWS BLAZE

Forced philosophy in Bhutan

Tuesday, September 25,2007

THIMPHU:
Regarding David Howell's "Happiness can't be legislated": Happiness is not measurable by economic and material prosperity, yet the Bhutanese regime makes every effort to force people to comply with the principles of happiness that a dictator propagated. Media has been suppressed and censored. Speaking against the wrongdoings of the rulers results in severe punishment. Several people still face life imprisonment for doing so. People have no hand in prioritizing their agendas. What the king says becomes law. The demand for human rights and democracy is generally termed "antinationalist," and proponents are expelled from the country.Bhutan's efforts to practice a happiness philosophy were attempts to divert the international community from Bhutan's mistakes of expelling citizens. I agree with Howell that Bhutan brought in the concept of happiness at the wrong time, motivated by other interests; however, I disagree that Bhutan has confined foreigners to camps. Certainly, the people living as refugees in UNHCR camps in Nepal are not foreigners; they are the sons of the land of Bhutan.The "happiness formula" is not relevant at a time when one-sixth of the country's population remains evicted. It is foolish of some to state that only southern Bhutanese are migrants. Historically, Bhutan is a land of migrants.In short, the happiness formula renders comfort to rulers and their nears-and-dears. People in the rural areas still remain outside the benefits provided by national developments. So, in Bhutan's case, happiness is a forced philosophy.
JAPAN TIMES

Wednesday, October 10, 2007

Rongtong Kinley Dorji on the Politics of Bhutan

Murky signs hovering Bhutan politics
R. K. Dorji

All our countrymen, I need to share and clearly put forward some main points about the current democratic process unfolding in Bhutan. I think all of us have to strongly support the establishment of a true Constitutional Monarchical system, only then I am sure that peace, prosperity, happiness and harmony will prevail in our country, for the people as well as for the King. Therefore, for the better future of Bhutan, I sincerely request all of you to kindly analyze the facts mentioned below.
Just to show that the King's Government has been transformed into a peoples' government, the present administration is hell bent on playing unhealthy politics in various ways. In this regard, I have honestly put forward some of the main points for everyone's clarification and justification. As saying goes, "If words or expression of introduction is not exchanged, then it is not possible even to recognize the relation between the father and a son".
In fact, I, have been branded as a Ngolop by the Royal Government of Bhutan. Ngolop essentially means a person who has rebelled or revolted, but the Royal Government defines those who are anti-administration as anti-national. Yes, I accept that I am a democratic Ngolop, fighting against an undemocratic system and the dictatorship in Bhutan. The Druk National Congress has, since its inception, been campaigning and demanding for democratic rights for all Bhutanese, but never has the party demanded or appealed for my benefit or welfare at a personal level.
Bhutan today is governed as per the King's wishes, and the day to day official activities of the administration varies according to his personal interests. It is not only the general public, but also government servants who are affected by the King's nepotism and favoritism. For decades, such biased practices have been creating unfavorable situations for the general public and between the rich and poor. This is quite clear to all Bhutanese. From now onwards, it would be impossible for the Bhutanese to accept the Royal Government's old system of governance that is despotic, inefficient and irresponsible.
The Royal Government's policies are guided by no basic principles, and the implementation and application of the law changes from day to day. This undoubtedly is of great threat to all the citizens of Bhutan and its consequences could spiral into a volatile political situation. Given that process of establishing democracy has already been initialed, it makes no sense to play unnecessary politics to preserve the King's prerogative and authority. If His Majesty himself can pave the way for a peaceful and harmonious environment in our society and religion, without any discrimination or biasness, it then becomes the responsibility and obligation of all Bhutanese to vow a strong allegiance to the throne, even more than before, and to preserve and safeguard the Constitutional Monarchical system. On the other hand, if His Majesty doesn't take into consideration the wishes of the entire spectrum of the Bhutanese populace, then there is threat of disharmony and political instability, which could ultimately prove disadvantageous to the Monarchy as well. As an old proverbs goes - "at first there is the possibility of confrontation between the "us"s and "them"s, and ultimately there is the possibility of confrontation among us". We can expect peace, prosperity and harmony in Bhutan only if the process of democratization is undertaken according to accepted international norms.
All the Bhutanese are aware of the Royal Government's activities of discrimination and partiality in granting benefits, such as official appointments and promotions, development activities, granting ofbusinesses and establishment of industries. Not only this, the Royal Government has forcefully converted several Nyingmapa monasteries that were established over thousand years ago, into Drukpa Kagyu monasteries. The unfavorable situation created by the infusion of dispute and ill-will between the Ka-Nying traditions, which always existed in harmony for thousands of years and was the silent prop of the of the monarchy, is an unforgettable "gift" of an ungrateful regime.
After abusing and exploiting peoples' rights and freedom for decades, His Majesty, King Jigme Singye Wangchuk, on the occasion of Bhutan's national day celebrations at Tashi Yangtse district on 17th December 2005, proclaimed that Bhutan would transform into a Constitutional Monarchial system and unveiled a Draft Constitution on the occasion. The King's farsighted move came as a great surprise to the Bhutanese who considered this a precious gift of the regime to the people. All the Bhutanese came together, forgetting all his past misdeeds, and expressed their gratitude and offered him good wishes.
The Druk National Congress also welcomed and thanked His Majesty and assured him of full support and solidarity in his efforts to democratize Bhutan. India and other democratic countries around the world too wished him great success and thanked him for initiating a new democratic system in Bhutan. By releasing and distributing the Draft Constitution all over the world, the onus falls on His Majesty to take full responsibility of introducing a true Constitutional Monarchical system in Bhutan. The Bhutanese regime has distributed the Draft Constitution to all the districts in Bhutan. The King repeatedly reiterated that from now onwards all government policies and activities would be implemented as per the Draft Constitution. He visited western districts of Thimphu, Haa, Paro, Wangdi Phodrang and Punakha, where the general public had been ordered to gather for discussions on the draft Constitution. Similarly, the Trongsa Penlop, Crown Prince Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk, was sent to the eastern districts, where he delivered his father's similar message.
The Draft Constitution stipulated that the number of Members of Parliament to be elected per Dzongkhag was between 1 to 7 members depending on the population. But now, this has been amended to between 2 to 4 members. And the total number of Members of Parliament has been reduced to 47. His Majesty announced that the Draft Constitution would be discussed and debated with the people of all twenty districts before finalization, but when he visited the districts there was no talk of any finalization. So, the King himself had decided to stick to the same Constitution that had been written by the members of the Drafting Committee (without any public discussion). Now, the draft seems to be undergoing constant changes from day to day and we still do not know if it is finalized at all.
It was also clearly written in the draft Constitution that the Members of Parliament would be elected from amongst the people depending upon their competence, capability and the benefits they can bring to the people and the nation. Now, all of a sudden, the Bhutanese regime has changed its policy and declared that only degree holders from western (English)-styled educational institutions are eligible to be elected, whereas degree holders from educational institutions and universities imparting education in Dzongkha (the National Language) are not eligible to contest. Further, Bhutanese political parties in exile – the real democratic forces, who have and will continue to struggle for the democratization of Bhutan, are banned from participating in the process. We firmly believe that graduates from educational institutions imparting education in Dzongkha are as qualified and as adept as any other to represent their people and their interests. The Royal Governments' policy of dishonoring of Dzongkha will have a negative impact in future, particularly as Dzongkha is the backbone of our tradition, culture and religion. By such wily policies, the identity of Palden Drukpa's driglam namzha-tradition, religion culture etc will automatically vanish for good. The King himself will have to take all responsibility for this.
The Parliament is the main platform where issues related to the nation's security and peoples' welfare are debated and decided. It is thus important that the people get to freely choose representatives who have earned their confidence and whom they can trust will represent their interests in the Parliament. When issues arise in future regarding amendments to the Constitution, the electorate must be assured that those they have sent to represent them in the Parliament will work in their interests in these matters too.
By now all the Bhutanese know that the present regime's policy viz-a-viz the electoral system is not with the motive of addressing people's welfare, but to make the King's position stronger than before. The regime has forced many civil servants to resign and join politics in order to facilitate a deep-rooted control over the administration in future, and also stifle true democracy. With the King trying to play dirty politics to reinstate his absolute monarchial system, we need to be extra cautious and vigilant in this regard. Now, the crucial time has come for all the citizens of Bhutan, including the military and civilians to think twice before it is too late.
The Druk National Congress has time and again requested the regime for the amendment of the draft Constitution in favor of general public but the King did not pay any heed to our repeated appeals. The Bhutanese people have no true freedom to enjoy even the basic fundamental rights. The King is still ruling the nation in old-fashioned autocratic and despotic manner.
The King issued orders to his henchman, Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji, to establish a political party. The Kings' involvement in aiding the PDP is vindicated by Mr. Tshering Tobgay's statement. Mr. Tshering Tobgays, who is the coordinator of the Peoples' Democratic Party, was quoted thus in The New York Times recently -"We are not starting a party because we have an ideology. We are not starting a party because we have a vision for better Bhutan. We are starting a party because the King has ordered us". The Chief Election Commissioner, under the influence of Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji, is not following the norms of the Draft Constitution and blindly supporting Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji, who is forcefully asking the people of eastern Bhutan to join his party. Persons who declined his offer were arrested and put behind the bars. Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji has also warned people in the villages that if it is found that they are not supporting his party's activities, then he would not initiate or support any development activities in their villages after he assumes the post of the Prime Minister. Similarly, Mr. Jigme Thinley has also established a political party, the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa. Mr. Jigme Thinley hails from Punakha Tyoebesa Mendrel Gang. Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji and Mr. Jigme Thinley both come from the same block of Punakha. The census record of Mr. Jigme Thinley has been transferred from Punakha to Pema Gatshel, Chungkhar to give a chance to Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji to win the elections.
Quite some time back, the Government of Bhutan finalized a proposal to establish a hospital, a college, teacher's training center, cultural school and polytechnic institute in eastern Bhutan but the Governments' programme was cancelled and the projects finally shifted to the western Bhutan by Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji. Every eastern Bhutanese must know how we were deprived of our benefits and rights by Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji.
We sincerely ask our western Bhutanese friends to clearly understand and cross-examine facts before deciding whom to cast your vote in favor of. In case of our Lhotshampa friends, there is no chance of casting their vote in free and fair manner because they are subjected to constant vigilance, intimidation and harassment by the regime. For the eastern Bhutanese, it is clear that till now there has been no substantial development activities taken place in the east and many still live a miserable life under duress or poverty. In the current prevailing situation in eastern Bhutan, some of the innocent public from Mangde, Bumthang, Kheng, Lhuntse, Mongar, Yangtse, Tashi Gang Pemagatshal and Samdrup Jongkhar districts have fallen prey to the misguidance and intimidation of the authorities. Some people have even been taking bribes without thinking about their own future and the future of the democratic system we are hoping to establish and without also realizing that such practices are harming the spirit and value of democracy and leading to the path of total autocracy. It is known to all that the draft Constitution stipulates that no one is allowed to criticize or defame anyone and intimidation, harassment, giving and taking bribes are also banned. But if, the party cadres of Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji and Mr. Jigme Thinley can bypass these laws and go against the spirit and value of the draft constitution and democratic process, then why can't we the main political parties and the true democratic forces of Bhutan campaign and condemn such undemocratic and illegal activities taking place in Bhutan? We firmly stress that all the citizens of Bhutan must think carefully about how we are going to go about establishing a true and vibrant democracy in Bhutan in the coming near future.
For the sake of the interest of a few persons, it is not possible to risk the integrity and independence of Bhutan, and it is only through the establishment of true democratic system that all citizens of Bhutan will have the chance to enjoy fundamental rights, freedom and development in every sphere of life and which will ensure peace, happiness, prosperity and communal harmony in the country. The Druk National Congress would like to remind and appeal to all the citizens of Bhutan to think well about the democratic set up and that every one must know that it is the responsibility of each and every Bhutanese to play a key role to secure your own rights. It is declared that in 2008, Bhutan will transition from absolute Monarchy to Constitutional Monarchy, but if the present regime doesn't give full responsibilities and power to the people in the process of democratization, then it will be nothing but affixing the name of democracy to the King's government. A true democratic set up must emerge from every individual's choice to form or support a political party of his or her preference, and not by blindly listening to the Bhutanese Government's decree to support and vote for parties established under its aegis. It is also the responsibility and sacred duty of the concerned political parties to create awareness about the real issues, such as equal distribution of development activities, or religion and culture, which should be debated openly based on their ideology and manifesto.
The people being the supreme authority in a democratic set up, every individual has rights to hold a public position as per one's competence and capability and a democratic government must be formed only through general election that reflects public choice. The rights and prerogative of the King and the Royal family viz-a-viz the democratically elected government is not mentioned clearly in the Draft Constitution and it is appropriate that the Prime Minister is selected from elected members of the Parliament as per the norms of democratic process. With the regime sanctioning only two parties of its own choice, the Royal Government's intention is surely that if Peoples' Democratic Party wins the election, then Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji will be the Prime Minister, and if Druk Phuensum Tshogpa wins the election, then Mr. Jigme Thinley will become Prime Minister. If so, both are not only the King's supporters but are also matrimonially related. Mr. Sangay Nyedup Dorji is elder brother of the present Queens, whereas Mr. Jigme Thinley is the husband of the Queens' cousin. All in the family, so to speak. Can the parties headed by these two persons be called true democratic parties? Every Bhutanese knows that the main agenda of the Royal Government is to give excessive rights and privileges to the King and the royal families. Apart from the Peoples' Democratic Party and Druk Phuensum Tshogpa, is it not justifiable for the general public to enjoy their right to form as many political parties as they prefer in accordance to democratic norms. It is our contention that these two parties formed under the wing of the regime, and who have already clearly shown what their intentions have no right to form a democratic government.
The King is attempting to reinstate his absolute Monarchial system by forcing many senior civil servants to resign and join the two government sanctioned political parties and also nominating some of them as members in the Election Commission so that they obey his command and he can continue ruling the nation at his will with an iron fist. This is a matter of great concern and we urge everyone to scrutinize the democratic process that is taking place in Bhutan.
In keeping with the effort to establish a truly democratic system in Bhutan, the time may be coming not only to change the regimes' draconian policies but to amend the entire draft Constitution for the benefit of the people, nation and the Monarchy. The Druk National Congress has time and again appealed to the Royal Government to consider and change their policy regarding the democratization of Bhutan. It has urged the Royal Government to follow the true norms of a democratic process. But the Royal Government has no heeded any of our appeals. The people are surely and saddened by such policies. Bhutan is not the private domain of the King. It belongs to all Bhutanese, who have shed their sweat and blood to preserve and protect its integrity and from which the Monarchy also derives its existence and authority. It is the responsibility and right of every citizen of Bhutan to speak out about the nation's independence, security, peace and the institutionalization of democracy.
Therefore, we strongly demand the following:
1. Freedom of speech and expression;2. The release all the political prisoners;3. The right to work as per the democratic norms;4. The right to engage in political discussion;5. The right to participate in the democratic process;6. The right to form political parties and declaration of a date to do so.
The process of democratization of Bhutan has been acknowledged by India and all democratic countries around the globe but in true sense it is a farce and just to eye wash for the benefit of the international community.
I would also like to explain precisely and clarify about the traditional system of wearing the orange, red and blue color scarf, which are used by ex-ministers, ex-councilors and ex-senior bureaucrats respectively. This tradition was introduced in the old capital of Bhutan, Pungthang Dewa-Chenpoe Phodrang. Those in the administration, such as Deb Rajas, Dzongpon Namsums, Chila Namsums and senior bureaucrats were allowed to wear the scarf even after their retirement from their official positions, but wearing or hanging of the sword, which was also worn as a part of the official attire, was not permitted after retirement. This tradition and culture existed and was prevalent till the time of the Fourth King. Now, during the time of Fifth King, and with the country at the threshold of transforming into a Constitutional Monarchy, persons who have resigned from the council of ministers, councilors and senior bureaucrats are appearing in front of the mass wearing the same scarf. But as per the new system and the democratic set up, this custom seems to be contradictory, particularly because everyone is equal under the law of democracy and any person who retires from a public position automatically become a normal citizen, hence it would be appropriate for all to wear the white scarf, which is used by the general public. We sincerely appeal to the King to kindly change his policies for the better future of Bhutan, when he has the power in his hands at this point of time.
India, being the main donor and supporter of all development programs and activities in Bhutan, the Druk National Congress has time and again appealed to the Government of India to provide political guidance to the Government of Bhutan to undo the undemocratic process being put into practice in the country.
The propaganda and news of the democratization of Bhutan has been spread everywhere and all democratic countries around the globe are of the opinion that a true democratic institution will be established in Bhutan, but it is a farce and being undertaken to fool the international community. We appeal to the United Nations and other countries and organizations to kindly conduct an investigation and see what is right and wrong.
The Druk National Congress stresses that every Bhutanese must play a key role in Bhutanese politics for the benefit and peaceful co-existence of the people and the Constitutional Monarchy. The above policies and motives of the present regime is surely going to have a negative impact by adversely affecting the nation, the King and the people as a whole. Therefore, we once again appeal to His Majesty the King of Bhutan to kindly think in a very broad spectrum and graciously consider the issue.
Unholy and undemocratic policies have been hatched up by the King himself to fulfill his vested interests under the guise of "democratization of Bhutan". We strongly condemned such activities and the general public too will not accept such undemocratic activities of the King. The objectives of the Druk National Congress are to safeguard the independence of the nation, ensure peace, happiness and communal harmony, preserve Constitutional Monarchy, empower all citizens to be self-reliant and free, and to make Bhutan politically and economically stable through the establishment of true democracy. Thus, the Druk National Congress is not in a position to accept the current democratic process taking place in Bhutan.
The DNC will continue to advocate against unhealthy initiatives as long as these anti-people policies are intact.

Monday, August 27, 2007

लम्बिँदो शरणार्थी समस्यासँगै जनयुद्धको तयारी












घरफिर्ती कि सशस्त्र विद्रोह !
लम्बिँदो शरणार्थी समस्यासँगै जनयुद्धको तयारी
दीपक अधिकारी
के भुटानमा सशस्त्र विद्रोह सुरु हुन लागेको हो ? भुटान कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी माक्र्सवादी-लेनिनवादी-माओवादी -भुकपा मालेमा) जनयुद्धको अन्तिम तयारीमा रहेको खुलासा भएको छ । सो पार्टीका महासचिव विकल्पले भनेका छन्, "आधारभूत तयारी पूरा भइसकेको छ । अब हामी चाँडै जनयुद्ध थाल्दैछौँ ।"
भुटान सरकारले आउँदो चैतमा संसदीय निर्वाचन गर्ने घोषणा गरेको छ । त्यसको जवाफमा भुटानी माओवादीहरूले त्यसअगावै जनयुद्ध थाल्ने तयारी गर्दैछन् । र, लक्ष्य राखेका छन्- राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य गरी गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने ।
भुटानी माओवादीले ठीक त्यस् तै तरकिा अपनाउँदैछन्, जस्तो नेपालका माओवादीले गरेका थिए । नेकपा माओवादीले २०५२ सालमा जनयुद्ध थाल्नुपूर्व तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री शेरबहादुर देउवासमक्ष ४० बुँदे माग-पत्र बुझाएको थियो । भुकपाले पनि गत चैत ९ गते भुटान सरकारलाई १३ बँुदे 'अल्टिमेटम' दिएको छ तर प्रत्यक्ष भेटेर होइन, फ्याक्समार्फत ।
नेपाल ले प्राप्त गरेको सो मागपत्रमा 'निरङ्  कुश राजतन्त्रको ठाउँमा जनताको प्रजातन्त्र' स्थापना गर्नुलाई मुख्य मुद्दाका रूपमा प्रस्तुत गरएिको छ । त्यसबाहेक बहुदलीय व्यवस्थाको स् थापना, शरणार्थीहरूको स्वदेश फिर्ती, राजबन्दीको रहिाइ, भूमिसुधार ऐनलगायतका मागहरू छन् -हेर्नुस्, बक्स) । ती १३ वटा माग पूरा गरएिमा आफ्नो पार्टी शान्तिपूर्ण बाटोमा आउने विकल्प त 'कमरेड विकल्प' ले खुला राखेका छन् तर उनकै शब्दमा, "भुटान सरकारले त्यसप्रति गम्भीर बन्नुको साटो धरपकड गरी राज्य आतङ्कमा जोड दिएर जनयुद्धका लागि उक्साएको छ ।" भुकपा मालेमाले पेस गरेको मागप्रति भुटान सरकारले हालसम्म औपचारकि प्रतिक्रिया जनाएको छैन ।
घटनाक्रमले देखाउँदैछ, दक्षिण एसियामा सक्रिय राजतन्त्र रहेको 'अन्तिम साङ्ग्रीला' भनिने भुटान ढिलोचाँडो माओवादी हिंसाको चपेटामा पर्न लाग्दैछ । दक्षिण एसियाको त्यो पूर्वोत्तर कुनामा सल्किन लागेको यस आगोले बाँकी विश्वका निम्ति 'बन्द पर्खाल' भित्र रहेको भुटानमा मात्र उथलपुथल ल्याउने छैन, भारत र चीनबीचको सुरक्षा-संवेदनशील क्षेत्रमा समेत नयाँ तनाव थप्नेछ ।





फैलँदो सञ्जाल
नेपालमा जनयुद्ध चर्किरहेका बेला ०६० वैशाख ९ गते लेनिन दिवसका दिन झापा र मोरङका भुटानी शरणार्थी शिविरमा नौला पर्चा र पोस्टरहरू छरएिका थिए, जसमार्फत भुकपा मालेमा नामको पार्टी गठन भएको घोषणा गरयिो । त्यसै दिन भुटानका २० मध्ये १६ जिल्लामा पनि एकसाथ यस्तै पर्चा-पोस्टरहरू छरएि । दुई वर्षअघि स्थापना गरएिको तर सुरक्षाका कारण गोप्य राखिएको भुकपा मालेमालाई औपचारकि रूपमा सार्वजनिक गरएिको घटना थियो त्यो ।
त्यसपछि भुटानका माओवादी नेताहरूले गुपचुप रूपमा दुइटा काम गर्न थाले ः सङ्गठन विस्तार र राजनीतिक-वैचारकि-फौजी तालिम । चार वर्षपछि नै त्यसको प्रत्यक्ष परण्िााम देखिएको छ । गत जेठमा नेपालस्थित शरणार्थीहरूलाई भुटान भित्र्याउने 'लङ्मार्च' अभियान मूलतः सोही पार्टीका कार्यकर्ताहरूको सहभागितामा भएको थियो । त्यो सफल त भएन तर भुटानी शरणार्थी आन्दोलनको इतिहासमा पहिलोपटक मेची पुलमा भारतीय सुरक्षाकर्मीसँग झडपमा पुगेर टुङ्गियो ।
त्यसैताका जेठ १३ र १४ गते बेलडाँगीमा माओवादीहरूकै अगुवाइमा सिर्जित तनावमा प्रहरीको गोलीबाट नरपति ढुङ्गेल र पूर्णबहादुर तामाङ मारएि । उनीहरूको सम्झनामा जेठ २६ गते बेलडाँगी र शनिश्चरे शिविरमा श्रद्धाञ्जलीसभा गर्ने पार्टी भुकपा मालेमा नै थियो । सभामा सो पार्टीका विद्यार्थी नेताहरू तोया खतिवडा, पासाङ राई, मेश पाठक, चम्पासिंह राई आदिले बोलेका थिए ।
मेची पुल र बेलडाँगीको मुठभेडपछि जेठकै तेस्रो साता भुकपा केन्द्रीय समितिको आपतकालीन बैठक बोलाइयो, जसले सशस्त्र सङ्घर्षको पूर्वाधार बन्दै गएको ठहर गरेर चाँडोभन्दा चाँडो जनयुद्ध थाल्ने निर्णय गर्‍यो । त्यसको प्रभावस् वरूप हिजोआज झापा-मोरङका सात शरणार्थी शिविरहरूमा विद्रोही गतिविधि व्यापक रूपमा देखिने गरेको छ । सांस् कृतिक कार्यक्रम र कोठे भेलादेखि सानातिना सभासम्म हुने गरेका छन् त्यहाँ, जसको मूल उद्देश्य आसन्न जनयुद्धप्रति बढीभन्दा बढीको समर्थन जुटाउनु रहेको छ ।
पुराना भुटानी राजनीतिक दलका थुप्रै नेताहरू अमेरकिालगायत विदेश पलायन भएका र नेपालमै रहेकाहरू पनि शरणार्थी शिविरमा नभई काठमाडौँमा बस्ने गरेको पृष्ठभूमिमा माओवादी सङ्गठकहरूले चाहिँ 'लो-प्रोफाइल' मा रहेर मुख्यतः शिविरभित्रै सञ्जाल फैलाउने प्रयास गर्दैछन् । र, यी सङ्गठकहरूमा अधिकांश नाम चलेका नेता नभई मुख्यतः शिक्षण पृष्ठभूमिका सचेत युवा छन् । पार्टीका पूर्णकालीन सदस्य कति छन् भन्ने यकिन नभए पनि शरणार्थी शिविरका युवा र विद्यार्थी समुदायमाझ माओवादी पार्टीको पकड बढिरहेको छ ।
भुकपा भूमिगत रहेकाले यसका गतिविधि मुख्यतः जनवर्गीय सङ्गठनमार्फत हुने गरेका छन् । सो पार्टीले आफ्नो अस्तित्व सार्वजनिक गरेको एक महिनापछि नै ०६० जेठ २ गते अखिल भुटान क्रान्तिकारी विद्यार्थी सङ्घ गठन गरेको थियो भने त्यसको १५ दिनपछि अखिल भुटान महिला सङ्घ पनि स्थापना गरयिो । त्यससँगै अन्य थुप्रै जनवर्गीय सङ्गठन खडा गर्दै लगियो, जसमा भुटान गणतान्त्रिक युवा सङ्घ, अखिल भुटान शिक्षक सङ्घ, अखिल भुटान किसान सङ्घ, अखिल भुटान जनसांस्कृतिक मञ्च आदि छन् ।
यसबाहेक 'स्वतन्त्र' सङ्घ-संस्था वा साहित्यिक समूह आदि खोलेर पनि माओवादीहरूले प्रभाव फैलाउन खोजेका छन् । जस्तो कि, सन् २००३ तिर वक्तृत्वकलामा पोख्त गोलधाप शिविरका खनाल थरका एक शरणार्थीको अगुवाइमा 'कम्युनिस्ट स्टडी सेन्टर' खोलिएको थियो ।
सङ्गठन विस्तारबाहेक भुकपा मालेमाले अर्थ सङ्कलनमा पनि तीव्रता ल्याएको छ । समाचार स्रोतका अनुसार, एक वर्षयता सो पार्टीले काठमाडौँका बोर्डिङ् स्कुल र 'प्लस टू' पढाउने भुटानी शिक्षकहरूबाट निकै चन्दा उठाइसकेको छ । त्यस्तै दातृ संस्था र आईएनजीओमा कार्यरत भुटानीहरूलाई तलबको पाँच प्रतिशत चन्दा दिन आह्वान गरेको छ । चन्दा सङ्कलनबाट १४ लाखभन्दा बढी रकम जम्मा भइसकेको र सो रकमले केही हातहतियारसमेत किनिएको स्रोतको दाबी छ ।
सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रमलाई पनि रकम सङ् कलनको अर्को माध्यम बनाइएको छ । त्यही सिलसिलामा गत वैशाख २७ गते अखिल भुटान जनसांस्कृतिक मञ्चले काठमाडौँस्थित प्रज्ञा-प्रतिष्ठानमा सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम र परिस् िथतिले जन्माएको लक्ष्य नाटकको आयोजना गरेको थियो । दुई सय र पाँच सय रुपियाँ दरका टिकट बेचेर र विद्रोहका झिल्काहरू लगायतका क्यासेट बेचेर पनि उनीहरूले केही रकम बटुले ।





युद्धको तयारी
भुकपाको ०६२ माघ १८-२१ मा आयोजित पहिलो राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलनले जनयुद्धका निम्ति वैचारकि-प्राविधिक खाका कोरेको थियो । सम्मेलनले विधान र नीति तथा कार्यक्रम पारति गर्नुका साथै पार्टीलाई दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्धका लागि चुस्त र छरतिो बनाउन सबै ठूला र भद्दा कमिटी भङ्ग गरी 'एकीकृत शक्ति' तयार पारेको उसबेला जारी विज्ञप्तिमा जनाइएको थियो ।
भुकपाका महासचिव विकल्पका भनाइमा, सम्मेलनले अझ बढी प्राधिकारसहित उनलाई थप अर्को अवधिका लागि निर्वाचितसमेत गरेको थियो । "सबभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण, सम्मेलनले पार्टीलाई फौजीकरण र फौजलाई पार्टीकरणको नीति अख्तियार गरी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति आन्दोलन र वर्गीय मुक्ति आन्दोलनको समायोजन गरेर क्रान्तिको खाका कोरेको छ," विकल्पले नेपाल लाई बताए -हेर्नुस्, विस्तृत अन्तर्वार्ता) ।
नेपालका माओवादीले जनयुद्ध थाल्नुपूर्व जस्  तो तयारी गरेका थिए, भुटानी माओवादीले पनि त्यही अनुसरण गर्दैछन् । दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्ध तीनवटा रणनीतिक चरण -रक्षा, सन्तुलन र प्रत्याक्रमण) मा पूरा हुने लक्ष्यका साथ रक्षा चरणलाई 'तयारी', 'थालनी' र 'निरन्तरता' गरी तीन उपचरणमा बाँडिएको छ । त्यसमध्ये हाल उनीहरू तयारीकै उपचरणमा छन्, जसलाई वैचारकि, साङ् गठनिक, प्राविधिक र सङ्घर्षसम्बन्धी गरी चार भागमा विभाजित गरएिको छ । यीमध्ये खासगरी प्रचारप्रसारका लागि सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम गर्ने, जनवादी गीतहरूको सीडी र क्यासेट निकाल्ने, पर्चा छर्ने र पोस्टर टाँस्ने आदि काम गर्ने गरएिको छ । विद्यार्थी प्रतिरोध, नौलो आवाज जस्ता मुखपत्र पनि यसै प्रयोजनका काम गर्छन् ।
चिनियाँ नेता माओको 'गाउँबाट सहर घेर्ने' चर्चित रणनीति नै भुकपाले पनि अख्तियार गरेको छ । र, त्यो रणनीति लागू गर्न फौजी सङ्गठन निर्माणमा विशेष जोड दिइएको छ । त्यसका निम्ति, सो पार्टीका एक नेता विक्रमले रक्षात्मक प्रतिकार गर्नसक्ने प्राविधिक-साङ्गठनिक हिसाबले शक्तिशाली गुरल्िला दस्ता बनाउन चाहेको उल्लेख गरेका छन्, जसले उनकै शब्दमा, "आफ्नो शक्तिको रक्षा गर्दै विरोधीको शक्ति ध्वस्त पारोस् ।"
अनि हतियारचाहिँ के-कति जुटाइएको छ ? "हामीसँग केही पुराना र गाउँले हतियार मात्र छन् । तर, लडाकूहरू हाइ-टेक वारका लागि नभई लो-टेक वारका लागि प्रशिक्षित भएकाले युद्धबाटै युद्ध सिक्ने मान्यतामा भुकपा मालेमा विश्वस् त छ," महासचिव विकल्प भन्छन्, "हाम्रा लागि आफ्नै कार्यक्षेत्रभन्दा उत्तम अर्को प्रशिक्षण शिविर हुनैसक्दैन ।"







भुटानमै आधारित
त्यो कार्यक्षेत्र भनेको निश्चित रूपमा भुटानी भूमि नै हो । भुकपाका नेताहरू शरणार्थी शिविरबाहेक झापाका दमक र बिर्तामोड तथा भारतका सिलिगुडी, दार्जीलिङ, सिक्किम र केही मात्रामा असममा पनि सक्रिय छन् । चन्दा उठाउन र प्रचारप्रसारका लागि काठमाडौँ पनि आवतजावत गररिहन्छन् । तर, उनीहरूले गतिविधिको मुख्य केन्द्र भुटानलाई नै बनाउन खोजेका छन् ।
भुकपाको गठन पनि भुटानभित्रै गरएिको थियो । सो पार्टीको केन्द्रीय समिति अन्तर्गतका पाँच कमान्डमध्ये चारवटा भुटानभित्रै छन् भने एउटाचाहिँ शरणार्थी शिविरमा । स्मरण रहोस्, हाल शिविरमा सवा लाखजति भुटानी छन् भने भुटानभित्र करबि एक लाख ८० हजार नेपालीभाषी छन् ।
माओवादी पार्टीले बाहिरबाट जनशक्ति तयार गरी भुटानभित्र छिराएर साङ्गठनिक कार्यमा परचिालन गर्ने तरकिा अपनाएको छ । खासगरी टासीगाङ, साम्ड्रुप जोङ्खर र साम्चीमा माओवादी गतिविधि निकै बढ्दै गएको छ । ६५ प्रतिशत जङ् गल, करबि ८० प्रतिशत पहाड र हिमाल रहेको भुटानको भौगोलिक अवस्था गुरल्िला युद्धका निम्ति अनुकूल रहेको भुकपाको विश्लेषण छ ।
खासगरी भुटानी राज्यको कम उपस्थिति रहेको उत्तरपूर्वी भेगका याङ्सी, ट्रासीगाङ र मोङ् गर जिल्लाबाट जनयुद्ध थाल्ने योजना बनाइएको स्रोत बताउँछ । यी जिल्लाको सिमाना भारतको अरुणाचल राज्यसँग जोडिएकोे छ, जसलाई चीनले आफ्नो भूमि रहेको दाबी गर्दै आएको छ । यी जिल्लामा भुटानका वर्तमान शासकभन्दा पहिलादेखि बसोवास गर्दै आएका आदिवासी सार्चोप समुदायको बाहुल्य छ, जो राज्यसँग असन्तुष्ट पनि छन् । कुल जनसङ्ख्याको ३३ प्रतिशत भाग ओगटेका सार्चोप समुदायमा माओवादी प्रभाव पनि बढ्दैछ । ल्होत्साम्पा
-नेपाली मूलका दक्षिणी भुटानी) पछि दोस्रो ठूलो जनसङ्ख्या रहेका सार्चोपहरूलाई सङ्गठित गर्न केही महिनाअघि सार्चोप मुक्ति मोर्चासमेत गठन गरएिको थियो ।
दक्षिण भुटानका साम्ची, दागाना, चिराङ, छुका, सर्भाङ र साम्ड्रुप जोङ्खर जिल्लालाई गोर्खा प्रदेश घोषणा गरनिुपर्ने माग राख्ने गोर्खा राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चा -अध्यक्ष अमर क्षेत्री) सँग पनि भुकपाको निकट सम्बन्ध छ । तर, माओवादीले नेपालीभाषी बाहुल्य दक्षिणी भुटानबाट जनयुद्ध थालेमा त्यो प्रत्युत्पादक हुनसक्ने स्रोतको आकलन छ । बढीजसो नेपालीभाषी दक्षिणमा बस् ने भएकाले राज्यले त्यहाँ पहिलेदेखि नै दमन गर्दै आएको छ । र, त्यस क्रममा सन् १९९० मा ल्होत्साम्पाहरूलाई देशनिकाला गरनिुअघिदेखि नै त्यो क्षेत्र विद्रोहको केन्द्र रहिआएको छ ।
स्मरण रहोस्, डीबी गुरुङको नेतृत्वमा सन् १९५२ स्थापित भुटान स्टेट कङ् ग्रेसले दुई वर्षपछि नै दक्षिण भुटानको सर्भाङबाट प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको सूत्रपात गरेको थियो । सो आन्दोलनलाई सघाउन उसबेला नेपालबाट हालका प्रधानमन्त्री गिरजिाप्रसाद कोइरालासमेत गएका थिए, जसबारे उनले गताङ्कको नेपाल मा प्रकाशित आफ्नो आत्मकथामार्फत खुलासा गरेका छन् । उसबेला मारएिका महासुर क्षेत्रीलाई भुकपाले सहिद मान्दै आफ्ना प्रचार सामग्री एवम् साङ्गीतिक कार्यक्रमहरूमा स् मरण गर्ने गरेको छ ।
नेपाली साइनो
माथि कतिपय प्रसङ्गमा उल्लेख गरएिझैँ भुकपाले गर्न लागेको जनयुद्धको तयारी र कार्यशैली सबै नेपालका माओवादीसँग मिल्छ । र, त्यसले उनीहरूबीच घनिष्ठ सम्बन्ध रहेको पनि जनाउँछ । समाचार स्रोतका अनुसार, भुटानी माओवादीहरू नेपाली माओवादीबाट प्रभावित भएका मात्र होइनन्, वैचारकि र भौतिक सहयोगसमेत पाएका छन् । स्रोतका अनुसार, भुकपाका नेता-कार्यकर्तालाई सैन्य, सैद्धान्तिक र सांस्कृतिक सबैखाले तालिम नेकपा माओवादीकै नेता एवम् प्रशिक्षकहरूले पूर्वी नेपालमा दिएका थिए ।
नेपाल र भुटानका माओवादीलाई जोड्ने पछिल्लो माध्यम दक्षिण एसियाली माओवादी पार्टीहरूको मोर्चा 'कम्पोसा' पनि बनेको छ, जसको सदस्य दुवै पार्टी छन् । गत पुस ११-१५ मा नेकपा माओवादीले आयोजना गरेको माओवादी पार्टीहरूको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सेमिनारमा भुकपा पनि सहभागी थियो । सो सेमिनारको आयोजक रहेको नेकपा माओवादीको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कमान्ड -हाल ब्युरो) का इन्चार्ज सीपी गजुरेल 'गौरव' भन्छन्, "हाम्रो सिद्धान्त एउटै र नेपाली मूलकै भएकाले हामी -उनीहरूसित) नजिक छौँ ।"
भुकपामा आफ्नै पार्टीबाट प्रेरणा लिएका र सिकेका मान्छे भएको बताउँदै गौरव भन्छन्, "फौजी रणनीति र कार्यनीतिको सवालमा उहाँहरूलाई मद्दत गर्नसक्छाँै र गररिहेका पनि छाँै तर भौतिक सहयोग गर्न सक्दैनाँै ।"
नेपालका माओवादी मूलधारको राजनीतिमा पूर्ण रूपले प्रवेश गरे भने भुटानी 'कमरेड' हरूसँग वैचारकि सामीप्य मात्र रहनसक्छ । तर, संविधानसभाको चुनाव नहुने, नेपालका माओवादीले जनविद्रोहको लाइन लिने र त्यसले गर्दा भारतसँग सम्बन्ध बिग्रने हो भने भुटान र नेपालका माओवादीबीच भौतिक सहकार्यसमेत हुने सम्भावना रहेको जानकारहरू बताउँछन् । भुकपाको नेकपा माओवादीसँग मात्र नभई भारतीय कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी माओवादीसँग पनि निकटको सम्बन्ध रहेको छ ।
बाध्यताको हिंसा ?
जनयुद्ध थाल्ने भुकपाको मुख्य आधार भनेको नै १७ वर्षदेखि थाँती रहेको शरणार्थी समस्या हो । त्यो समयमै नसुल्झेमा शरणार्थी युवाहरू हिंसातर्फ आकषिर्त हुने अनुमान विश्लेषकहरूले पहिल्यै गरेका थिए । जस्तो कि श्रीलङ्काली शोधकर्ता अरुणी जोनले सन् २००० अगस्तमा कोलम्बोस्थित रजिनल सेन्टर फर स्ट्राटेजिक स्टडिजका निम्ति तयार पारेको 'पोटेन्सिएल फर मिलिट्यान्सी अमोङ् रेफ्युजी युथ' शीर्षकको प्रतिवेदनमा भनिएको छ, "सो क्षेत्र -दक्षिण एसिया) का अन्य समूहले प्रमाणित गरििदएका छन्, जब निराशा बढ्दै जान्छ -नेपालका माओवादी एउटा उदाहरण हुनसक्छन्) तब एकदमै थोरै लगानीमा पनि गुरल्िला युद्ध सुरु हुनसक्छ ।"
स्वदेश फिर्तीको सम्भावना न्यूनप्रायः भएकाले शरणार्थी युवामा सैनिकीकरणको व्यापक सम्भावना रहेको निष्कर्ष उनले सात वर्षअघि निकालेकी थिइन् । हाल त्यस्तै परििस्थति निर्माण हुन थाल्नुको कारक भुटान सरकार रहेको निष्कर्ष अधिकांश भुटानी नेताहरूले निकालेका छन् । भुटनिज मुभमेन्ट स्टेरङि् कमिटीका अध्यक्ष टेकनाथ रजिाल भन्छन्, "मान्छेको सहने एउटा सीमा हुन्छ । सीमा पार गरेपछि जो पनि हतियार बोक्न बाध्य हुन्छ ।"
मूलतः यही सीमाहीनताबाट सिर्जित निराशा र आक्रोशका कारण भुकपा जन्मिएको हो । तर, के हिंसाको राजनीति सफल होला ? एक भुटानी अधिकारकर्मी सानो र थोरै जनसङ्ख्या भएको देश भएकाले भूमिगत रूपमा युद्ध गर्न गाह्रो हुने बताउँछन् । उदाहरणका रूपमा उनी भुटानको साम्ची जिल्लास्थित नैनाताल र घुमाउने ब्लक -गाउँ) मा भुकपाले सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम गर्नासाथ गत जेठ दोस्रो साता भएको ३९ जनाको गिरफ् तारीलाई लिन्छन् ।
साढे सात लाखजति जनसङ्ख्या रहेको भुटानमा करबि २२ हजार सुरक्षाकर्मी -रोयल भुटान आर्मी, रोयल बडिगार्ड र रोयल भुटान पुलिस) छन् भने तालिम, सडक निर्माणलगायत विभिन्न काममा संलग्न झन्डै २० हजार भारतीय सेना पनि त्यहाँ छन् । त्यस स्तरको सुरक्षा-प्रबन्ध रहेको भुटानमा एक्लै सशस्त्र सङ्घर्ष थाल्नु भुकपाका निम्ति कम चुनौतीपूर्ण छैन । सायद त्यसैकारण सो पार्टीले राजतन्त्र उन्मूलनको एकसूत्रीय लक्ष्य राखी त्यसमा अन्य पार्टीहरूसँग सहकार्य गर्ने नीति लिएको छ । विकल्पद्वारा जारी पछिल्लो विज्ञप्तिमा भनिएको छ, "भुटानको निरङ्कुश राजतन्त्र नै लोकतान्त्रिक शक्तिहरूको साझा शत्रु भएकाले सबै दलसँग साझा न्यूनतम कार्यक्रमका आधारमा संयुक्त मोर्चाका लागि हाम्रो पार्टी हार्दिक अनुरोध गर्दछ ।"
ड्रुक नेसनल कङ्ग्रेसका अध्यक्ष थिन्ले पेन्जोरले भुकपासँग स्थानीयस्तरमा समझदारी रहेको उल्लेख गर्दै भविष्यमा केन्द्रीयस्तरमा संयुक्त मोर्चा बन्नसक्ने सम्भावनालाई पनि इन्कार गरेनन् । खासगरी यस् तो मोर्चाका निम्ति नेकपा माओवादीका नेताहरूले सल्लाह दिएका थिए । सो पार्टीको अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय ब्युरोका सदस्य तथा भुटान मामिलाका प्रमुख राम कार्कीले ड्रुक नेसनल कङ्ग्रेस, भुटान पिपुल्स पार्टी आदिसँग मिलेर एकीकृत मोर्चा बनाएमा मात्र भुकपाको आन्दोलन सफल हुने बताए ।





भारतीय भूमिका
नेपालका माओवादी नेता गौरव भन्छन्, "भुटान सरकार कमजोर भएकाले त्यहाँ सशस् त्र युद्ध सुरु गर्न गाह्रो छैन । तर, त्यसलाई जारी राख्ने कुरामा भारतबाट ठूलो चुनौतीको सामना गर्नुपर्नेछ ।"
उत्तरतिर चीन र दक्षिण, पूर्व र पश्चिममा पूर्वोत्तर भारतका हिंसाग्रस्त राज्यहरूबाट घेरएिको भुटान सामरकि-रणनीतिक महत्त्वको ठाउँ हो, जहाँ जनयुद्ध हुन नदिन भारतले सक्दो कोसिस गर्ने गौरवको विश्लेषण छ । भुकपाको असममा सक्रिय 'उल्फा', बोडोलगायतका पृथकतावादी समूहसँग पनि सम्पर्क रहेको स्रोतहरू बताउँछन् ।
नेपालमा माओवादी जनयुद्ध उत्कर्षमा पुग्दा भारतले यो दुई देशको साझा सुरक्षा समस्या भएको निष्कर्ष निकालेको थियो । आफूसँग करबि सात सय किलोमिटर सीमा जोडिएको भुटानमा त्यस्तै युद्ध सुरु भएमा त्यो त्रिदेशीय -भारत, भुटान र नेपाल) मुद्दा बन्ने निश्चितप्रायः छ । किनभने, "भुटानमा जनयुद्ध सुरु गर्नु भनेको सीधै भारतसँग लड्नु हो," माओवादीका केन्द्रीय सदस्य राम कार्की बताउँछन् ।
भुटानमा भारतको स्वार्थलाई द्विपक्षीय सन्धिले पनि जोडेको छ । खासगरी सन् १९४९ को सन्धिले भुटानको परराष्ट्र र सुरक्षा मामिलालाई भारतको मातहत राखेको छ । सो सन्धिलाई गत साल माघमा केही संशोधन गरएिको छ । धारा २ मा भुटानको विदेश मामिला 'भारत सरकारको सल्लाहबाट निर्देशित हुने' भन्ने वाक्यांश रहेकोमा त्यसको ठाउँमा 'दुई देशबीचको मित्रता र सहयोग' राखिएको छ । यसले सिद्धान्ततः भुटानको परराष्ट्र मामिला भारतबाट निर्देशित नहुने जनाएको छ । तर, जानकारहरूका अनुसार, व्यवहारमा भुटानको सुरक्षा र वैदेशिक मामिलामा अझै भारत हाबी छ । त्यस्तै संशोधित धारा ६ मा भुटानले गैरघातक हतियार स्वतन्त्र ढङ्गले खरदि गर्नसक्ने तर बन्दुक, गोलीगठ्ठालगायत युद्धमा प्रयोग हुने हतियार भारतको स्वीकृति लिएर किन्नुपर्ने व्यवस्था छ ।
भारतले भुटानसँग राखेको विशेष सम्बन्धले धेरैलाई चिढ्याएको छ । प्रमुख भुटानी नेता टेकनाथ रजिाल भन्छन्, "नेपालको तराईमा उठेको मुद्दा र हाम्रो मुद्दा एउटै होइन र ? भारत किन हाम्रो सवालमा चाहिँ बोल्दैन ?" भारत नबोल्नुको एउटा कारण त्यहाँका जलविद्युत् परयिोजना र सैन्य क्षेत्रमा रहेको उसको प्रत्यक्ष संलग्नता पनि हो । भुटानी सेना भारतकै तालिम र सहयोगमा निर्भर छ । हा जिल्लामा इन्डियन मिलिटरी टे्रनिङ् टिम -इम्ट्राट) स्थापना गरएिको छ । जनरल रोड टास्कफोर्सका नाममा समेत भारतीय सेना भुटानभित्र छन् ।
०६० पुसमा भारतीय सेनाकै सहयोगमा रोयल भुटान आर्मीले दक्षिण भुटानमा ब्यारेक खडा गरेर बसेका पूर्वोत्तर भारतका तीन विद्रोही समूह युनाइटेड लिबरेसन पmन्ट अफ असम -उल्फा), नेसनल डेमोक्रेटिक पmन्ट अफ बोडोल्यान्ड -एनडीएफबी) र कामतापुर लिबरेसन अर्गनाइजेसन -केएलओ) लाई आफ्नो भूमिबाट धपाएको थियो । दक्षिण भुटानका आफ्नै नागरकिलाई आतङ्कित पारेर धपाउने उद्देश्यका साथ 'रातो कार्पेट' ओछ्याएर विद्रोहीलाई स्वागत गर्ने भुटानले उल्टै उनीहरूबाट खतरा महसुस गरेपछि भारतीय सहयोगमा सैनिक कारबाही गरेको थियो । तर, विदेशी विद्रोहीबाट त्राण पाएको चार वर्ष नपुग्दै भुटानले माओवादी चुनौतीको सामना गर्नुपरेको छ ।
र, यो चुनौती मूलतः नेपालले बेहोररिहेको शरणार्थी समस्यासँग जोडिएको छ । त्यो समस्या तत्काल नसुल्झने र उग्रवाद बढ्ने खतरा देखेरै अमेरकिाले भुटानी शरणार्थीलाई आफ्नो देशमा लैजाने योजना अगाडि सारेको हो, जसलाई अन्य केही राष्ट्रले समेत साथ दिएका छन् -हेर्नुस्, यसै अङ्कमा अस्टे्रलियाली राजदूतसँगको संवाद, पृष्ठ १४ मा) । ( Next News)
शरणार्थीलाई तेस्रो देशमा पुनःबास गराउने प्रस्तावका पक्षधरहरू भुकपाका कार्यकर्ताहरूको तारो बन्ने गरेका छन् । गएको तीन महिनामा पुनःबासको वकालत गर्ने दुई जना शिविर सचिवहरू हर िअधिकारी बङ्गाले र मनोरथ खनाल शरणार्थी युवाहरूबाट पिटिएका छन् । दुवै घटनामा भुकपा समर्थकको संलग्नता थियो । गत जेठको असफल 'लङ्मार्च' मा समेत माओवादी कार्यकर्ता सहभागी थिए । यसको पुष्टि भुकपाद्वारा गत जेठ २४ गते जारी विज्ञप्तिबाट हुन्छ, "मेची पुलमा भएको आन्दोलनको नेतृत्व -नेसनल पmन्ट फर डेमोक्रेसी) ले दोस्रो दिनदेखि नै खुट्टा कमाएकाले आलोचनात्मक समर्थनका लागि निम्त्याइएका भुकपानिकट सङ्गठनले त्यसको नेतृत्व सम्हाल्नुपरेको थियो ।"
सोही विज्ञप्तिमा अब जनयुद्ध थाल्ने परपिक्व परििस्थति उत्पन्न भएको र चाँडै हतियार उठाउने दाबी पनि गरएिको छ । हेर्न बाँकी छ, भुकपाले केवल विज्ञप्तिमार्फत मात्र चेतावनी दिन्छ या भुटानमा साँच्चै 'जनयुद्ध' थालेर दक्षिण एसियामा पछिल्लो सशस्त्र विद्रोहको सुरुवात गर्नेछ ।

ल्होत्साम्पा विस्थापनको कथा
एकतिहाइ नेपाली मूलका भुटानी -ल्होत्साम्पा) आफ्नो देश छाड्न बाध्य हुनुका पछाडि सन् १९८५ को नागरकिता ऐन कारक रहेको छ । त्यो कानुन अनुसार सन् '५८ पछि जन्मेका भुटानीले जोङ्खा भाषा जानेको हुनुपर्ने, भुटानभित्र १५-२० वर्ष बसोवास गरेको प्रमाणपत्रसहित नागरकिताका लागि निवेदन दिनुपर्ने भयो । -सन् '५४ मा भुटान स्टेट काङ् ग्रेसले आन्दोलन गरेपछि ल्होत्साम्पालाई सन् '५८ को नागरकिता ऐनबमोजिम भुटानी नागरकिता दिइएको थियो ।)
सन् '८८ मा सरकारले 'भुटानी नागरकिको पहिचान गर्न' भनी दक्षिण भुटानमा सर्वेक्षण गर्‍यो । त्यतिखेर सन् '५८ देखि भुटानमा बसोवास गरेको प्रमाण पेस गर्न नसक्नेलाई नागरकिताको प्रमाणपत्र भए तापनि गैरनागरकि घोषित गरयिो । सर्वेक्षणबाट दक्षिण भुटानमा रहेका नेपाली आफ्नो शासनका लागि खतरा हुनसक्ने निष्कर्षमा थिम्पु पुग्यो । स्मरणीय के छ भने, त्यसैबेला सीमावर्ती भारत, दार्जीलिङका नेपालीले अलग राज्य 'गोर्खाल्यान्ड' को माग राखी आन्दोलन चर्काएका थिए । भुटान सरकार पनि ल्होत्साम्पाहरूले प्रजातन्त्र र स्वायत्तताको माग गर्न सक्नेतर्फ सशङ्कित भयो ।
अनि बहुसङ्ख्यकमाथि शासन गररिहेको अल्पसङ्ख्यक ड्रुक्पा समुदायले आफूलाई 'लोपोन्मुख जाति' भएको दाबी गर्‍यो र भुटानको विविधतालाई नकार्दै 'एक देश, एक जाति' को नीति अघि सार्‍यो । सम्पूर्ण नागरकिलाई ड्रुक्पा पोसाक -पुरुषले 'गो' र महिलाले 'किरा') लगाउन, जोङ्खा भाषा बोल्न बाध्य पारयिो । यो नियम कडाइका साथ लागू गरयिो र त्यसो नगर्नेलाई दण्ड-सजाय दिने, थुनेर आतङ्कित पार्नेजस्ता काम भए । सन् '८९ मा सरकारले जारी गरेको नयाँ प्राथमिक शिक्षा पाठ्यक्रममा नेपाली भाषाको अध्यापन बन्द गराइयो । फलस्वरूप सन् '९० को अन्त्यतिर एक लाखभन्दा बढी ल्होत्साम्पाहरू शरणार्थीका रूपमा भारतीय भूमि हुँदै पूर्वी नेपाल प्रवेश गरे । सुरुमा उनीहरू अस्थायी रूपमा झापाको सुरुङ्गास्थित माई नदीको किनारमा छाप्रो बनाएर बसे । दुई वर्षपछि उनीहरूलाई झापा र मोरङका सात शिविरहरूमा राखियो ।

भुटानी भूमि भारतलाई !
भुटानले दक्षिणको एक जिल्ला भारतलाई दिई त्यहाँ नेपालस्थित शरणार्थी र भुटानभित्रैका नेपालीलाई पुनःबास गराउने प्रस्ताव भारतसमक्ष राखेको खुलासा भएको छ । हालै सिक्किम विश्वविद्यालयको उपकुलपतिमा नियुक्त दिल्लीको जवाहरलाल नेहरू विश्वविद्यालयका प्राध्यापक महेन्द्र पी लामाले तयार पारेको एक प्रतिवेदनमा सो तथ्य उल्लेख छ ।
लामाले एक वरष्िठ भारतीय पदाधिकारीसँग छलफल गर्ने क्रममा भुटानले आफ्नो एक जिल्ला भारतलाई सुम्पेर त्यहाँ नेपालीलाई बसोवास गराउने प्रस्ताव राखेको थाहा पाएको उल्लेख गरेका छन् । तर, भारतले त्यसबाट पर्नजाने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय असरलाई मध्यनजर गर्दै भुटानी प्रस्ताव अस् वीकार गरेको भारतीय अधिकारीहरूलाई उद्धृत गर्दै लामाले जनाएका छन् । ५१ पृष्ठ लामो भुटनिज रेफ्युजी इन् नेपाल ः स्टेट बिहेभियर, म्यानेजमेन्ट इन्टरभेन्सन एन्ड रपिाटि्रएसन डिलेमा शीर्षक सो प्रतिवेदनमा लामाले लेखेका छन्, "सो प्रस्तावको गम्भीर अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय जटिलतालाई ध्यानमा राखेर त्यसलाई भुटानको निराशाजनक प्रस्ताव भन्दै भारतले अस्वीकार गरेको थियो ।"
भुटान सरकारको सो कदम 'राष्ट्र टुक्र्याएर आफ्नो सत्ता लम्ब्याउने अराष्ट्रिय प्रयास भएको' नेसनल पmन्ट फर डेमोक्रेसीका अध्यक्ष थिन्ले पेन्जोरले आरोप लगाएका छन् । ड्रुक नेसनल काङ्ग्रेसको अध्यक्षसमेत रहेका पेन्जोर भुटानले सुम्पन चाहेको जिल्ला दक्षिणी भेगको साम्ड्रुप जोङ्खर रहेको बताउँछन् । उनका अनुसार, भुटानका तर्फबाट त्यस्तो प्रस्ताव वर्तमान राजा दासो जिग्मे खेसर नामग्याल वाङ्चुकका मामा, पूर्वकृषिमन्त्री साङ्गे ङडिुपले अगाडि सारेका थिए ।

ँचाँडै जनयुद्ध थाल्दैछौँ’
गाउँबाट सहर घेर्दै सत्ता कब्जा गर्ने
थोत्रो सत्ता ध्वस्त पारी नयाँ निर्माण गर्ने !
भुटानका माओवादीहरूको जनवर्गीय सङ्गठन अखिल भुटान जनसांस्कृतिक मञ्चले निकालेको क्रान्तिकारी गीतहरुको क्यासेट विद्रोहका झिल्काहरु को पहिलो गीत यही
हो, जो उनीहरुको मुखमा झुन्डिएको छ । र, यो गीतका रचनाकार अरु कोही नभएर भुकपा मालेमाका महासचिव विकल्प हुन् ।
चारवटा कवितासङ्ग्रह प्रकाशित गरिसकेका, भर्खरै ३० नाघेका भुटानका यी जनजाति कवि नै हुन् विकल्प, जसले त्यहाँ 'जनयुद्ध' थाल्न खोज्दैछन् । भुटानमा विद्यार्थी छँदै कम्युनिस्ट प्रभावमा परेका विकल्प सन् १९९८ बाटै भूमिगत रुपमा क्रियाशील छन् । भुटान, दार्जीलिङ, सिक्किम र पूर्वी नेपाल आवतजावत गरिरहने उनी नेपाल को इमेल सम्पर्कमा आए । प्रस्तुत छ, विकल्पसँग त्यही माध्यमबाट लिइएको अन्तर्वार्ताको मुख्य अंश ः







भुकपा मालेमाको स्थापना कहाँ र कसरी भएको थियो ? यो पार्टीको उद्देश्य के हो ?
भुकपा मालेमा भुटानको हकमा आजसम्म सबैभन्दा पछिल्लो चरणमा स्थापना भएको राजनीतिक पार्टी हो । तर, भुटान भूमिमा स्थापना भएको दृष्टिकोणबाट यो सबभन्दा पहिलो पार्टी हो । हामीले पहिल्यै स्पष्ट पारसिकेका छौँ, पुराना दल/सङ्गठनहरूले जनतालाई पटक-पटक धोका दिएपछि भुटानकै एक दुर्गम गाउँमा किसान र मजदुर वर्गको व्यापक सहभागितामा यसको स् थापना भएको हो । यसको मुख्य उद्देश्य, वैदेशिक शक्तिकेन्द्रहरूले भरथेग गरेको यहाँको मुठ्ठीभर सामन्तवादीहरूको हातमा रहेको निरङ्कुश राजतन्त्रात्मक प्रणालीको अन्त्य गरी सत्ताको बागडोर जनताको हातमा सुम्पेर जनतालाई देशको वास्तविक मालिक बनाउनु रहेको छ ।







तपाइर्ंहरूले सन् २००१ मै पार्टी स्थापना गरे तापनि त्यसको घोषणा सन् २००३ मा मात्रै गर्नुको कारण के हो ?
अन्य मुलुकभन्दा भुटानको वस्तुस्थिति धेरै फरक छ । यहाँ वैधानिक सङ्घर्षका लागि ढोका खुला छैन । जनताको अधिकार वा लोकतान्त्रिक प्रणालीको कुरा गर्नु मात्र पनि यहाँ ठूलो अपराध हुन्छ । फेर िअधिकांश भुटानी जनताको दिमागमा सत्तापक्षको 'शक्ति प्रदर्शन' को नकारात्मक छाप बसेको छ । अतः 'कु' गरेर सत्ता कब्जा गरी हतियारको बलमा टिकेको राज्यसत्ता र 'शक्तिपूजक' जनताका माझ हतियारबिना सङ्घर्ष र परविर्तनको कुरा गर्नु उपहासको पात्र बन्नु मात्र नभएर असम्भव पनि छ । अतः दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्ध र सशस्त्र सङ्घर्षको तयारीका लागि सङ्गठनको जालो बुन्न कम्तीमा पनि यति समय लाग्दो रहेछ ।







तपाईंहरूको राजनीतिक आधार एकातिर नेपालस्  िथत शरणार्थी शिविरमा देखिन्छ भने अर्कातिर भुटानभित्र पनि वर्चस्व रहेको दाबी गर्नुहुन्छ । कताचाहिँ शक्तिशाली हुनुहुन्छ ?
भुकपा मालेमा भुटानी भूमिमै गठन भएका कारण यो अधिकतम् भुटानमै झाँगिएको छ । तर, शरणार्थी शिविरमा पनि सवा लाख भुटानी जनता रहेका र तुलनात्मक हिसाबमा त्यहाँका जनता राजनीतिक चेतनाका दृष्टिले अगाडि भएका कारण उहाँहरूलाई नलिईकन वास्तविक अर्थमा क्रान्ति सफल हुन सजिलो छैन । यद्यपि, यो क्रान्तिको सहायक पक्ष हो । पार्टीको मुख्य आधार त भुटान भूमि नै हो ।




कति भुटानीले तपाईंको पार्टीको सदस्यता लिएका छन् ? सक्रिय कार्यकर्ता कति छन् ? पार्टीको संर चनाबारे बताइदिनु हुन्छ कि ?
पार्टीमा कति जनाको सहभागिता छ भन्ने प्रश्न मलाई उति महत्त्वको लाग्दैन । तर, सक्रिय सदस्यहरूको कुरा गर्दा कामको सुविधाका निम्ति हामीले देशलाई विभिन्न कमान्डमा विभाजन गरेका छौँ । प्रत्येक कमान्डमा क्षेत्रहरू छन् । त्यस्ता क्षेत्रको मातहत जिल्ला र त्यसमुनिका एकाइहरू छन् ।







तपाईंको पार्टीको सैन्य संरचना कस्तो र कति छ ? तपाईंहरूसँग हतियार पनि छ ? छ भने त्यसको स्रोत के हो ? पार्टी कार्यकर्ताले कहाँबाट तालिम लिएका छन् ?
हाम्रो पार्टी फलामे अनुशासनमा आधारति एक 'मिलिट्यान्ट' पार्टी हो । यस्तो पार्टीको सर्वोच्च कमान्डर पार्टीप्रमुख हुने हुँदा सेना प्रमुख पनि स्वयम् पार्टीप्रमुख नै हुन्छ । केन्द्रीयस्तरमा सैन्य आयोग छ । यस मातहत क्षेत्रीय, जिल्ला सचिवालयहरू सैन्य गतिविधिप्रति उत्तरदायी हुन्छन् । थालनीको चरणमा यति शक्ति नै जनयुद्ध उठान गर्न पर्याप्त छ ।
हामीसित केही हतियार त छन् तर ती पुराना र घरेलु हतियार हुन् । गाउँमा उपलब्ध विभिन्न साधनहरू भेला गरी बनाइएका यी हतियारको स्रोत पनि गाउँ नै हो । हाम्रा लडाकूहरू 'हाई-टेक वार' का लागि नभई 'लो-टेक वार' का लागि प्रशिक्षित भएकाले युद्धबाटै युद्ध सिक्ने मान्यतामा हामी विश्वस् त छाँै । यसर्थ, हाम्रा लागि आफ्नै कार्यक्षेत्रभन्दा उत्तम अर्को प्रशिक्षण शिविर हुनैसक्दैन ।







जनयुद्ध कहिले सुरु गर्नुहुन्छ त ?
यो प्राविधिक कुरा हो । हामीले सुरु गरेको दिन अवश्य थाहा पाउनु हुनेछ । त्यसका लागि आधारभूत तयारी राम्रै भइरहेको छ । हामी चाँडै जनयुद्ध थाल्दैछौँ ।










भुटान सरकारले दाबी गरेजस्तै भुटान टाइगर फोर्स -बीटीएफ) भुकपा मालेमावादीकै अङ्ग हो ?
कहाँको भुकपा मालेमा, कहाँको भुटान टाइगर फोर्स π यी दुईबीच सम्बन्धको कल्पनासम्म पनि गर्न सकिन्न । तर, भुटान सरकारले भनेजस्तै बीटीएफले भुकपा मालेमाको फौजी सङ्गठन हो भनेर सर्वसाधारणलाई भ्रममा पार्दै आएको छ । यसका पछाडि दुइटा कारण हुनसक्छन् ः या त उनीहरू ज्ाान-अञ्जानमा शत्रुका गुप्तचरमार्फत सञ्चालित छन् र कुनै अराजक गतिविधि गरी त्यसमा हामीलाई मुछेर जनताबाट अलग्याउन चाहन्छन्, या त उनीहरूमा नेतृत्वको खडेरी छ र आफूले गरेको कामको जिम्मेवारी भूकपासित जोडेर लिँदा प्रभावकारी हुने ठान्छन् ।










केही समययता भुटानमा थुप्रै माओवादी कार्यकर्तालाई गिरफ्तार गरिएको सरकारको दाबी छ । के यो सत्य हो ?
कुरा ठीक हो, थुपै्र भुटानी जनता समातिएका छन् । तर, उनीहरू हाम्रो पार्टीका कार्यकर्ता होइनन् । कोही शुभच्ािन्तक छन्, कोही हाम्रा कार्यकर्तालाई बास दिएको आरोपमा परेकाहरू छन् र अधिकतम् सर्वसाधारण छन् । तर, उनीहरूलाई भुकपा मालेमाको झूठो मुद्दा लगाई कठोर यातना र काराबासको आतङ्क फैलाएर सरकारको जातीय सफाया नीतिलाई अझ सशक्त पार्ने प्रयास गरेको छ ।
भुकपा मालेमामा नेपाली मूलका भुटानी मात्र आबद्ध छन् कि ङालोङ र सार्चोप जातिले पनि समर्थन गरेका छन् ?
जोङ्खा भाषामा ड्रुक्पाको अर्थ भुटानी भन्ने हुन्छ । यस मानेमा हाम्रो पार्टी वास्तवमै ड्रुक्पा समुदायमै झाँगिएको छ । तर, ङालोङ र सार्चोपको हकमा भन्नुपर्दा तुलनात्मक रूपमा यी समुदायको कम सहभागिता छ । यद्यपि, उनीहरूको सहभागिता बढ्ने कुरामा हामी विश्वस् त छौँ । कारण, हाम्रो नीतिले सबै जात-जातिको आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहितको स्वायत्तताको माग समेटेको छ ।







नेपालका माओवादीसँग तपाईंहरूको सम्बन्ध कस् तो छ ?
नेकपा माओवादी हाम्रा लागि मात्र होइन, विश्व-क्रान्तिकै लागि प्रेरणाको श्रोत हो । कम्युनिस्ट-कम्युनिस्टबीच नीतिगत समानता हुने भएकाले -नेपालका माओवादीले) नैतिक समर्थन गर्नु स्वाभाविक हो । त्यही नैतिक सम्बन्धबाहेक नेकपा माओवादीसित हाम्रो कुनै अर्काे सम्बन्ध छैन ।







नेकपा माओवादीले जे-जति सफलता हासिल गर्‍यो, त्यसबाट प्रभावित भएर तपाईंहरूले पनि ँजनयुद्ध’ छेड्न लाग्नुभएको हो ?
भुकपा मालेमा परनिर्भर नभई स्वनिर्भर पार्टी हो । नेपाली क्रान्ति र त्यहाँ तीव्र गतिमा भइरहेको विकासक्रमलाई विश्वले नियालिरहेको छ । हामीले पनि अध्ययन गर्ने हो । तर, नेपाली क्रान्ति पूर्णतः सफल भइसकेको छैन । यो सङ्क्रमणकालमा छ । यसबाट जति सकिन्छ, विश्वले नै पाठ सिक्नुपर्छ र आफ्नो विशेषतामा कार्यान्वयन गराउनु उपयुक्त हुनेछ ।







तपाईंहरू नेकपा माओवादी पनि संलग्न रहेको दक्षिण एसियाका माओवादी पार्टीहरूको मोर्चा ँकम्पोसा’ मा आबद्ध हुनुहुन्छ । यसले तपाईंहरूको जनयुद्धलाई कसरी मद्दत गर्छ ?
राज्यपक्षबाट भएका अन्याय-अत्याचारविरुद्ध सङ्घर्ष गर्दै जाँदा नयाँ भुटानको परकिल्पनासहित भुकपा मालेमाको गठन भयो । भुटानी क्रान्तिका आधारभूत सिद्धान्तहरू पहिचान गर्न राष्ट्रिय-अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परििस्थतिहरू अध्ययन गर्ने क्रममा कम्पोसामा सहभागी नभई सजिलो थिएन । तसर्थ, हामी कम्पोसामा सहभागी भयौँ । तर, जनयुद्ध सञ्चालनको सवालमा कम्पोसाले अध्ययन सामग्री र नैतिक समर्थनबाहेक केही गरेको छैन । यसभन्दा पर हामीले आशा पनि गरेका छैनौँ ।




६० हजारसम्म भुटानी शरणार्थी आफ्नो मुलुकमा पुनःवास गराउने अमेरिकी प्रस्तावबारे के भन्नुहुन्छ ?
भुकपा मालेमाको गठन प्रक्रियाअघि शरणार्थी समस्याप्रति कसैको उति चासो देखिएन । तर, यसको गठनपछि अमेरकिाले मात्र होइन, भारतलगायत अन्य मुलुक र स्वयम् भुटानी शासक वर्गको पनि शरणार्थी समस्यालाई हेर्ने दृष्टिकोणमा नाटकीय परविर्तन आएको छ । अतः ६० हजार शरणार्थी लाने भन्ने अमेरकिी अभिव्यक्ति भुटानी मुक्ति सङ्घर्षप्रति मात्र नभएर सिङ्गो भुटानी मुक्तिकामी जनताविरुद्धको षड्यन्त्र हो । यसमा घरेलु सामन्तवाद र विश्व साम्राज्यवादको कुम जोडिएको छ ।

भुटानी शरणार्थीलाई लिएर भारतले अपनाएको नीतिलाई कसरी लिनुभएको छ ? भुकपा मालेमावादीले जनयुद्ध सुरु गरेमा हुनसक्ने भारतीय हस्तक्षेपबारे के भन्नुहुन्छ ?
भारत-भुटानबीचको सम्बन्ध शताब्दीऔँ पुरानो हो । परापूर्वकालदेखि नै दुई देशबीच आपसी प्रेम र मैत्रीपूर्ण सम्बन्ध रहिआएको छ । तर, यो सम्बन्ध जनता-जनतामाझ जसरी स् वच्छ र निष्कलङ्क छ, प्रशासनिक तहमा त्यस्तो छैन । दुई देशबीच जति पनि सन्धि-सम्झौताहरू भएका छन्, ती प्रायः असमान छन् । भारतले भुटानमाथि जहिले पनि घुमाउरो पारामा अधिनायकत्व लादेको इतिहास छ । तर, यसो हुनुमा भारतीय पक्ष मात्र दोषी छैन । दक्षिण भुटानको १८ द्वार एवम् राष्ट्रको सम्प्रभूतासमेत भारतलाई बेचेर खाने यहाँको जहाँनिया राजतन्त्र पनि उत्तिकै दोषी छ ।
भारतले सुरक्षा प्रदान गर्ने बहानामा भुटानलाई आफ्नो सैनिक अखडा बनाएको छ । यहाँ भुटानी सुरक्षाकर्मीभन्दा भारतीय सुरक्षाकर्मीको सङ्ख्या बढी छ । परविर्तनको लहर रोक्न वैदेशिक सुरक्षा घेरा घनिभूत बनाउँदा-बनाउँदै थाहै नपाई राजतन्त्र स्वयम् विदेशी सेनाको घेरामा परसिकेको छ । यसरी विदेशको कठपुतली राजतन्त्र विदेशी इसारामा नचल्ने बित्तिकै सखाप हुने खतरा बढेको छ ।
यसर्थ, भुटानी राजतन्त्र भारतप्रति वफादार छ । प्राकृतिक स्रोत-साधन सस्तो दरमा पाएको हुँदा भारतले शरणार्थी समस्यालाई भन्दा राजतन्त्रलाई बढी काखी च्यापेको हो । तर, भारतको यो नीति गलत भएको हुँदा यसमा परविर्तन आएरै छाड्छ । राजतन्त्र टिकुञ्जेल भारतले यही नीति अवलम्बन गर्नेछ तर जनउभारले पेल्न थालेको दिन जनभावनाको कदर नगरी धर छैन । यस् तो उदाहरण हामीले गतवर्षको १९ दिने नेपाली जनआन्दोलनमा पनि देखेका छौँ । तर, भुटानी विशिष्टताका कारण यदि त्यसो नभई भारतले भुटानी जनताविरुद्ध अन्यायपूर्ण युद्ध सुरु गरेमा त्यसविरुद्ध हामी अवश्यै न्यायपूर्ण युद्ध लड्नेछाँै । त्यो युद्ध औपनिवेशिक भारत र साम्राज्यवादी अङ्ग्रेजबीचको 'भारत छोड आन्दोलन' जस्तो हुनेछ । त्यस युद्धले स्वतः राष्ट्रिय युद्धको स्वरूप ग्रहण गर्नेछ । त्यसले पनि नपुगे -राजतन्त्रले भारतप्रतिको मोह नत्यागे) अन्ततः भुटानी जनता गृहयुद्धमा होमिनु सिवाय अर्को विकल्प रहने छैन । त्यसरी मात्र भारतीय हस्तक्षेपबाट मुलुकलाई बचाउन सकिनेछ ।